Читаем Conservatives Without Conscience полностью

Jost and his collaborators developed their working definition of “conservative” by reviewing dictionaries and encyclopedias along with the literature of historians, journalists, political scientists, sociologists, and philosophers from the mid-1950s (which, according to most conservative scholars, generally marks the beginning of the modern conservative movement in the United States) through the end of the 1990s. The study placed apt parameters on its inquiry while focusing on those who would be considered conservative under most any characterization. Their survey of the usage of the term “conservative” over roughly a half century revealed “a stable definitional core and a set of more malleable, historically changing peripheral associations.”[67] While its core meanings were considered to include “a resistance to change” and “an acceptance of inequality,” its peripheral meanings were more complex, because not only did they change with time, but in some cases they overlapped the core meanings. For example, the study found the peripheral focus of “conservatism in the United States during the 1960s entailed support for the Vietnam War and opposition to civil rights, whereas conservatism in the 1990s had more to do with being tough on crime and supporting traditional moral and religious values.” In addition, the authors provide examples of people who became conservatives for reasons having nothing to do with the identified core meanings, yet who later accepted those aspects of conservatism “because of their association with likeminded others.”[68]

The heart of Jost and his collaborators’ findings was that people become or remain political conservatives because they have a “heightened psychological need to manage uncertainty and threat.”[69] More specifically, the study established that the various psychological factors associated with political conservatives included (and here I am paraphrasing) fear, intolerance of ambiguity, need for certainty or structure in life, overreaction to threats, and a disposition to dominate others. This data was collected from conservatives willing to explain their beliefs and have their related psychological dynamics studied through various objective testing techniques. These characteristics, Dr. Jost said, typically cannot be ascribed to liberals.

Right-wing talk-radio hosts, conservative columnists, and conservative bloggers generally dismissed Jost’s study, although apparently few could be bothered to read it. Jonah Goldberg of the National Review wrote a lengthy piece about it, but managed to focus on such irrelevancies as Alec Baldwin, Viagra, Napoleon, and what he calls “the left’s medicalization of dissent.” Goldberg described the study as “gassy, insubstantial, malodorous…cow flatulence.”[70] Rush Limbaugh and Ann Coulter offered characteristic attacks, with Limbaugh mixing name calling with false and misleading information before dismissing it.[71]

After being hammered by conservatives for several months, Jost and his collaborators responded with a Washington Post op-ed piece, noting that their critics remained conspicuously less than familiar with the actual contents of their study. Notwithstanding commentary to the contrary, the Jost group pointed out that they had not, in fact, implied that conservatism was “abnormal, pathological or the result of mental illness.” Nor had they claimed that conservatives themselves were insane, sick, or strange.[72] At the same time, they were not claiming their study was welcome news for conservatives.[73]

The difficulty of identifying in oneself such psychological factors as fear, intolerance of ambiguity, need for certainty or structure in life, overreaction to threats, and a disposition to dominate others does not mean that such dynamics can be summarily rejected. These characteristics are, in some cases, not only easily recognized by others but are discernible through psychological testing. A study published subsequent to Jost’s confirmed the findings of his group. It is an unprecedented survey of nursery school children, commenced in 1969, that revealed the personalities of three- and four-year-olds to be indicative of their future political orientation.[74] In brief, this research suggests that little girls who are indecisive, inhibited, shy, neat, compliant, distressed by life’s ambiguity, and fearful will likely become conservative women. Likewise, little boys who are unadventurous, uncomfortable with uncertainty, conformist, moralistic, and regularly telling others how to run their lives will then become conservatives as adults.[75]

Future Direction of Conservatism
Перейти на страницу:

Похожие книги

… Para bellum!
… Para bellum!

* Почему первый японский авианосец, потопленный во Вторую мировую войну, был потоплен советскими лётчиками?* Какую территорию хотела захватить у СССР Финляндия в ходе «зимней» войны 1939—1940 гг.?* Почему в 1939 г. Гитлер напал на своего союзника – Польшу?* Почему Гитлер решил воевать с Великобританией не на Британских островах, а в Африке?* Почему в начале войны 20 тыс. советских танков и 20 тыс. самолётов не смогли задержать немецкие войска с их 3,6 тыс. танков и 3,6 тыс. самолётов?* Почему немцы свои пехотные полки вооружали не «современной» артиллерией, а орудиями, сконструированными в Первую мировую войну?* Почему в 1940 г. немцы демоторизовали (убрали автомобили, заменив их лошадьми) все свои пехотные дивизии?* Почему в немецких танковых корпусах той войны танков было меньше, чем в современных стрелковых корпусах России?* Почему немцы вооружали свои танки маломощными пушками?* Почему немцы самоходно-артиллерийских установок строили больше, чем танков?* Почему Вторая мировая война была не войной моторов, а войной огня?* Почему в конце 1942 г. 6-я армия Паулюса, окружённая под Сталинградом не пробовала прорвать кольцо окружения и дала себя добить?* Почему «лучший ас» Второй мировой войны Э. Хартманн практически никогда не атаковал бомбардировщики?* Почему Западный особый военный округ не привёл войска в боевую готовность вопреки приказу генштаба от 18 июня 1941 г.?Ответы на эти и на многие другие вопросы вы найдёте в этой, на сегодня уникальной, книге по истории Второй мировой войны.

Андрей Петрович Паршев , Владимир Иванович Алексеенко , Георгий Афанасьевич Литвин , Юрий Игнатьевич Мухин

Публицистика / История
Дальний остров
Дальний остров

Джонатан Франзен — популярный американский писатель, автор многочисленных книг и эссе. Его роман «Поправки» (2001) имел невероятный успех и завоевал национальную литературную премию «National Book Award» и награду «James Tait Black Memorial Prize». В 2002 году Франзен номинировался на Пулитцеровскую премию. Второй бестселлер Франзена «Свобода» (2011) критики почти единогласно провозгласили первым большим романом XXI века, достойным ответом литературы на вызов 11 сентября и возвращением надежды на то, что жанр романа не умер. Значительное место в творчестве писателя занимают также эссе и мемуары. В книге «Дальний остров» представлены очерки, опубликованные Франзеном в период 2002–2011 гг. Эти тексты — своего рода апология чтения, размышления автора о месте литературы среди ценностей современного общества, а также яркие воспоминания детства и юности.

Джонатан Франзен

Публицистика / Критика / Документальное