The second stage (129-58 ВС) of the Hsiung-nu — Han relations is a period of governing of the Han emperor Wu-di who decided to abolish the strategy of farming from active expansion to the North. The war has been waged with a variable success and rendered lifeless both parties. None of the parties has neached the final victory. As a whole, an experience of a campaign showed that nomads in the steppe war, in spite of munerical superiority of the Chinese, have the unquestionable advantages as before. As a sole important achievement of the aggressive antiHsiung-nu policy of Wi-di, a strengthening of the Han positions in the East Turkestan should be considered. However a 'cold war' between the Steppe and China continued as far as a commencement of civil war within the Hsiung-nu tribes.
The third stage (56 ВС — 9 AD) of the Hsiung-nu — Chinese relations can be marked off since the time of assumption by the Shan-yii Hu-han-yeh of vassalage from the Han emperor. A policy of farming from the nomads by 'gifts' was formally replaced by the system of 'tributal' relations. The Hsiung-nu have undertaken to recognize a suzerainty of Han and to pay a nominal 'tribute'. For this, the emperor has provided the Shan-уй his protection and has given to him as a vassal the reply gifts. In fact, the vassalage of nomads camouflaged in terms reflecting the Chinese ideological superiority has been an old policy of extortion on the side of nomads with the only difference that the reply gifts of the Chinese emperor were vastly larger than before. In addition, as may be necessary, the Shan-yii has obtained from China the agricultural products to support his citizens.
The fourth, last stage (9–48 AD) of relations between the Han empire and Hsiung-nu imperial confederation was similar, by its content, to the first stage. As a pretext for a rupture of peaceful relations, the territorial claims of the Chinese emperor-pretender Wang Mang, his intervention in internal affairs of nomads and, finally, substitution of the Shan-уй seal by the Chinese ambassadors have served. Judging from all this, as opposed to the first stage of relations between the Hsiung-nu and China, the nomads have somewhat changed an emphasis of their foreign-polity strategy towards the stimulation of raids to the Han territory. It is possible this was related to the weakening of the frontier might of China and instable political situation within the country. If earlier the northern frontiers of China were protected using a powerful network of the signaling-guard duties and the towns and most crucial sections of the Great Wall were protected by armed to the teeth garrisons then, at the beginning of the Late dynasty of Han (since 23 AD), a maintenance of such army was beyond the Chinese government's means. The raids were found to be more safe and unpunished for inhabitants of steppe regions, that earlier.
Shan-уй had numerous relatives who belonged to his 'king's' clan of Luan-ti: brothers and nephews, wife's, sons and daughters etc. Besides the relatives of Shan-yii other noble 'families' (clans): Hu-yan, Lan Hsti-pu and Quilin have been among the highest Hsiung-nu aristocracy. The next level in the Hsiung-nu hierarchy has been occupied by the tribal chiefs and elders. In the annals, they are mentioned, as a rule, as 'subordinate kings', 'chief commandants', 'household administrators', chii-ch'U officials [Лидай 1958: 17; see also Groot 1921: 55; Watson 1961a: 163–164; Материалы 1968: 40]. Probably, a part of'chiefs of a thousand' were tribal chiefs. The 'chiefs of a hundred' and 'chiefs of ten' were, most likely, clan leaders of different ranks. The economic judicial, cult, fiscal and military functions were considered as the responsibilities of chiefs and elders. Slightly lower at the hierarchical ladder, the chiefs of non-Hsiung-nu tribes being members of the imperial confederation have been. The Hsiung-nu had a particular strata of service nobility — advisers — immigrants from China and bodyguards.
Basic population of the Hsiung-nu empire has consisted of ordinary nomads — cattle-breeders. Based on some indirect data, one can assume that many most important features of economy, social organization, way of life were essentially little different from the features of the nomads of the Mongolian steppes of more recent times [Egami 1956; 1963; Крадин 1999].