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As a result of highly successful courses in various countries, Esperanto had spread in socialist circles. But leaders among them disagreed with the traditional political neutrality of the Esperanto movement and felt Esperanto ought to be used openly as a tool of class struggle. In 1921 they broke away from the 'neutral' movement, forming a radical workers' Esperanto movement. The schism dealt Esperanto a serious blow within and without. Rightist extremists outside the movement, suspicious of anything 'intemational' in character, and frightened by the strong, openly leftist workers' movement, accused the entire Esperanto movement of dangerous revolutionary tendencies.

After the war, when the League of Nations was created, many Esperantists hoped that this new international body, which shared Esperanto's aims of intemational cooperation and peace, would recognize the benefits of the language Dr Zamenhof had created, and perhaps even adopt it. The Esperantists had just the person to present their case - the distinguished Edmond Privat, who eventually served as a member of the Persian delegation. The matter was brought before the League as a resolution expressing the hope that Esperanto might be taught more widely in the schools 'in order that children of all nations from now on should know at least two languages, their native tongue and an easy means for intemational communication'. But the delegate from France angrily opposed even considering the matter, claiming 'there already is an international language- French'.

Eventually a favorable report on 'Esperanto as an Intemational Auxiliary Language' was prepared by the Secretary-General of the

League. The report found the language to be widely used inter- nationally and asserted that Esperanto was much easier to learn than any other language. Its use was encouraged in the schools. But again the French delegate objected, acting on orders from his government to oppose any language other than French. In the end the matter was referred to the League's Committee on Intellectual Cooperation, which refused to recommend Esperanto because it feared that the learning of an auxiliary language would discourage people from studying national languages. Largely under the pressure of French nationalism, the League of Nations let the matter drop.

Zamenhof would not have been surprised. In 1891 he had cautioned the Esperantists not to wait for the help of important persons or governments in the belief that the success of Esperanto depended on such assistance. On the contrary, Zamenhof had said, they would take notice only after the movement became successful on its own.

Although the League of Nations would not recognize it as an official intemational auxiliary language, Esperanto gained recognition and support in other quarters. In 1924 Persia (no doubt through Edmond Privat) introduced a resolution that Esperanto be recognized as a 'clear language' for telegraphy, which was unanimously accepted by the League of Nations as well as the Universal Telegraph Union. The Intemational Labor Office, which was supported by the League, began to use Esperanto, as did various commercial and scientific organizations. Later, when the French govemment reversed its hostile attitude, the French Academy of Sciences passed a resolution supporting Esperanto.

Although the fundamental structure and grammar of Esperanto remained unchanged from the form in which Zamenhof had first stated them, as the language was increasingly used, it grew in vocabulary. Zamenhofs first word list had contained about 900 roots; by 1930 an Esperanto dictionary contained 3,800 roots, from which about 40,000 words could be formed.* But Esperanto had become much more than a language. It was a cultural movement complete with local, national and intemational institutions, its own history and cherished traditions. The 'practical and commercial utility' of Esperanto was given a new twist as 'Esperanto' cigarettes, made in Scotland, came on the market ('La intemaciafumaĵo!' the advertisement cried - 'The international smoke!'), and in Britain one could purchase Cadbury's 'Esperanto' chocolates at the local confectioner's.

More important, and far more lasting, Esperanto also had its own literature. In the first few decades of Esperanto's life, a great amount of literature had been translated into the intemational language, not just

* The Plena illustrila vortaro de Esperanto ('Complete Illustrated Dictionary of Esperanto'), published in 1970, contained 16,000 roots, ofwhicn at least 160,000 words could be formed.

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