Maid of Baikal: A Novel of the Russian Civil War

“Gentlemen, it seems to me that nothing else we can say here is likely to sway the other side,” Colonel Ward stepped in at last. “While we all agree that White rule is preferable to Red, any further steps toward Allied recognition appear blocked. In my view, the only way to resolve the impasse will be for Admiral Kolchak to offer a concrete reform program, including some provision for a national assembly, and then earn our trust by executing that program. While it’s true that Lenin and Trotsky offered empty promises to gain power, it seems that certain officials at Omsk would do the same to secure Allied aid. Yet, among themselves, they say, ‘Just let us get to Moscow and we will show them what we mean by reform! Then we will speak in a different tone!’”

The colonel’s speech was met with stony silence. Guins and Sukin exchanged anxious glances. Then Ned saw Guins drop the pen from his hand and deftly slide his palm under the table. In that moment, he remembered the buzzer under Cousin Pierre’s desk that the businessman had used to summon his secretary from the next office. Could Guins have summoned someone in the same way?

Guins shuffled his papers, as if preparing to leave, but did not rise. Both he and Sukin cast surreptitious glances toward the door. A moment later, Ned heard knocking outside and the duty officer entered the conference room.

“Your Excellencies, please remain seated. His Most High Excellency will join you now,” the officer announced before retreating the way he came.

The Allied consuls expressed astonishment, as they had been told the Supreme Ruler would be absent all day. What a coincidence that Admiral Kolchak had arrived just in time to break the deadlock! When the Allied representatives looked in unison to Guins for an explanation, the minister shrugged. But when Guins saw the knowing smile on Ned’s face, his cheeks turned crimson.

Kolchak entered the room a few moments later, dressed as usual in a British officer’s uniform with Siberian Army epaulets, his face appearing more gaunt and drawn than ever. He went around the table, shaking each man’s hand in turn, before taking a seat at the table. For the next several minutes, Guins offered the Admiral a summary of the meeting, as drawn from scribbled notes. Then the Supreme Ruler folded his hands on the table and maintained eye contact alternately with Regnault and Preston.

“Esteemed representatives and Ministers,” Kolchak began to a rapt audience. “As you know, when I was elevated to Commander in Chief of the Siberian Armies, I set myself a purely military goal: to crush the Red Army and win the war against Bolshevism. A civil war must of necessity be fought without mercy or be lost. And head of a military government that governs under martial law, I am responsible for absolutely everything. That is the nature of martial law and there is nothing I can do to change it. Indeed, in a civil war like ours, martial law is the only system that can achieve effective rule.”

Here the Supreme Leader paused and looked from man to man around the table. The Allied representatives returned his gaze respectfully, while Guins and Sukin offered strained smiles. Kolchak continued.

“For this reason, I do not believe that effective solutions lie in legal or structural reforms, but rather in people. How are we to observe legalities when we lack honest people in the government? Ambitious reform programs, a strong Council of Ministers, military non-interference in civil affairs: all these are well and good, but how do we subject all the atamans, essauls,[41] warlords and brigands in our vast territory to a central authority when we are also at war with Bolshevism in every province? To replace one minister or official with another is useless, because we can find no suitable replacements.”

Kolchak’s bluntness was so unexpected that it held both foreigners and Russians spellbound. Hardly a sound could be heard in the room except for the Admiral’s smoky bass voice.

“Wherever I go, I am amazed at how much corruption I find,” Kolchak went on, scratching idly at a rough spot on the table’s surface. “Everything is in a state of decay. How can anything be accomplished under such conditions, surrounded by thievery, cowardice, and stupidity? Some think that a new national assembly is the answer. But how will that strengthen our hand against the Bolsheviks, when a great majority of the delegates elected to the last Constituent Assembly, less than two years ago, were socialists or worse? We had Socialist Revolutionaries in our last Siberian government and their aims were indistinguishable from those of the Bolsheviks.”

Here Kolchak paused again to confront his audience. For several moments, hardly a breath was drawn.