Maid of Baikal: A Novel of the Russian Civil War

It so happened that Mark McCloud had secured a pair of seats in the press section for both events, and invited Ned to spend the day with him covering the speeches. Early that morning, all military units were confined to their barracks and the civilian police were put on high alert. Every available British soldier and local policeman in Samara was assigned to guard duty in the center city, around the Samara Drama Theater, where the national assembly was to gather. A few hours before the address, Ned’s wireless unit intercepted messages from certain Cossack atamans and right-wing military leaders expressing alarm that the Admiral’s speech might veer to the left of even his most progressive pronouncements since becoming regent. The danger of a military coup by former hard-line supporters like Krasilnikov, Rozanov, and Ivanov-Rinov seemed higher than ever.

For that reason it appeared remarkable that, inside the theater, the atmosphere felt more hopeful than tense. Delegates whose demeanor was typically formal and staid now greeted each other warmly and waved gaily across the room to friends and acquaintances. And when Kolchak emerged from the wings to mount the dais, he seemed more relaxed than Ned had ever seen him, standing erect in his white naval dress uniform, a confident smile on his lips as he spread his notes on the lectern.

The assembly’s sergeant-at-arms called the room to order. From the Admiral’s very first words, there was a sense that an historic turning point was about to occur.

“We have experienced a revolution on our soil,” the regent began. “The late tsar and his family are dead. Nothing can bring the old order back to Russia now. We shall have no more tsars, not even in a ceremonial role like that of the English king. And once I fulfill my duties as regent, there shall be no more Supreme Rulers or dictators by any other name. Though some may disbelieve it, I never sought to become military dictator. Indeed, I plan to retire from political life as soon as you, our national legislature, provide for the popular election of a new leader.”

Though the speech had begun before a hushed audience, now the assembly delegates turned to one another to murmur their disbelief that Kolchak would ever keep his promise to step down voluntarily.

“The late tsar tried abdication, and it didn’t work out so well,” McCloud whispered in Ned’s ear while Kolchak was between breaths.

“So I tell you once again: the old forms of political and social life in Russia have been swept away,” Kolchak added, as if he could read the skepticism in the delegates’ faces. “To restore them is impossible. Our new national goal, as many in this chamber have demanded, will be to implement a system of representative self-government at every level, from local to national, based on universal suffrage of both men and women. And all our political parties, except for the Bolsheviks and their co-conspirators, will be allowed to participate. For Bolshevik-style rule by deceit and violence can never be tolerated in a free society. Russia has paid dearly to learn this lesson.”

A sea of bobbing heads and a buzz of approval met this last statement and the many women seated in the balconies rose to applaud. Kolchak looked up with a smile to survey the crowd before continuing.

“Now, many of you have asked me about the land question. In response, I say this: just as this government of ours will not return to monarchical rule, it will not undo the land reforms launched by the February 1917 Revolution and favored by an overwhelming majority of Russians. As soon as a reliable administrative process can be established, and not later than next year’s spring planting, land in Russia that is owned by the state or by large landlords, but is farmed by local tenants, will be transferred to those tenants, under due process of law, and with fair compensation. As for non-farm real estate, including factories, residences and businesses, these will be restored to their former owners in their present state, as-is, for better or for worse. Individual property disputes will be decided by courts of appropriate jurisdiction, impartially and under the rule of law.”

The reaction to this was divided, with some delegates cheering their approval and others sitting glumly in their seats, arms crossed and jaws clenched. But none dared raise an outcry against it. Kolchak ignored the applause and plowed forward.