Читаем Регионы в современном мире: глобализация и Азия. Зарубежное регионоведение полностью

Регионы в современном мире: глобализация и Азия. Зарубежное регионоведение

In 2018 President Xi visited Saudi Arabia, Egypt, and Iran27, and released its first Arab Policy Paper to signal its intention of increased engagement in the Mideast. The paper outlined the “1+2+3” cooperation framework28. China is also trying to balance ties with Riyadh and Tehran, in March Beijing signed $65 billion worth of deals with Riyadh and aims to coordinate OBOR projects with Saudi Vision 2030, while in June China backed Iran’s admission to the China-led Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) and recently extended a $10 billion credit line for infrastructure projects. Iran is an important node of the OBOR by virtue of its geography linking Central Asia with South and West Asia, while Saudi Arabia is a leader of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) and also a key oil supplier29. With a planned Tripoli Special Economic Zone adjacent to the port, Tripoli could be a useful hub for Syria and enable China via the OBOR to play a constructive role in post-conflict reconstruction and stabilization efforts.

Conclusion

Hence, the study concludes that the ongoing regional security problems including terrorism, economic woes, and a need for immediate infrastructure, investment and trade, the OBOR initiative offers a quick economic aid. As China is becoming a more significant geopolitical actor in the Middle East, gradually the regional countries will become more dependent on Beijing for their trade and investment relations. China’s increasing economic soft power will in turn ease their dependency on the West and broaden their foreign policy options that may not always align with the United States and European Union interests. This would also reduce Western control over the region, additionally it increases regional countries’ freedom of action to diversify and engage with more economic partners. It would be beneficial if great powers including the Unites States, European Union, China, India, Russia and others also try to cooperate to jointly promote Middle East stability, security and prosperity.

References

Aneja A. China reaches out to West Asia, The Hindu, 23 March 2017. (in English)

Awasthi S. China-led BRI and its Impact on India with Specific Reference to CPEC // Journal of International Affairs, 2018, Vol 2 No 1. P. 97–110. (in English)

Ehteshami A. and Horesh N. China’s Presence in the Middle East: The Implications of the One Belt, One Road Initiative, 2019, Routledge. (in English)

Frans-Paul van der Putten et al eds. The Geopolitical Relevance of Piraeus and China’s New Silk Road for Southeast Europe and Turkey, Clingendael Report, 2016. P. 27. (in English)

Johny S. China’s long game in West Asia // The Hindu, 29 January 2016. (in English)

Lin C., The Belt and Road and China’s Long-term Visions in the Middle East, ISPSW Strategy Series: Focus on Defense and International Security, 2017. Vol. 512. P. 1–10. (in English)

Macaes B. Belt and Road: A Chinese World Order. Penguin Viking, 2019. 288 р. (in English)

Olimat M. China and the Middle East from Silk Road to Arab Spring, Routledge, 2015. 240 р. (in English)

Sevilla H. China’s New Silk Route Initiative: Political and Economic Implications for the Middle East and Southeast Asia, 2017, Asian Journal of Middle Eastern and Islamic Studies Volume 11, Issue 1. P. 83–106. (in English)

Shichor Y. Gains and Losses: Historical Lessons of China’s Middle East Policy for Its OBOR Initiative, Asian Journal of Middle Eastern and Islamic Studies, 2018, Vol. 12 Issue 2. P. 127–141. (in English)