Russia at war 1941-1945

and Southern Italy, the intensive bombing of Germany ... and the regular supplies of armaments and raw materials that we are receiving from our Allies, we must say

that all this has greatly helped us in our summer campaign... The fighting in

Southern Europe is not the Second Front, but, all the same, it is something like the Second Front... Naturally, only a real Second Front—which is now not so far away

—will greatly speed up victory over Nazi Germany, consolidate still further the

comradeship-in-arms of the Allied States.

He was particularly pleased with Italy dropping out of the war, thought that Germany's other satellites, knowing that "only bumps and bruises were now in store for them," were frantically looking for ways and means of getting out of Hitler's clutches. He suggested that, in 1944, Germany would lose all her allies. She was now clearly "facing

catastrophe".

On the night of the 7th Molotov gave his biggest war-time party. The whole diplomatic corps were now back in Moscow, and it was an extremely sumptuous and exceedingly

drunken affair. Molotov was going round the guests, proposing innumerable toasts, and, towards the end of the evening, had to be supported on both sides in his further progress through the crowded rooms of the Spiridonovka. He was jovial and looked like a man

who was relaxing—certainly for the first time in more than two years. But he carried his liquor much better than others. The first to leave were the Japanese diplomats who had been received with marked coolness; but not very long after, they were followed by a procession of Excellencies who were simply carried out, feet first. The British

Ambassador had fallen flat on his face on to a table covered with bottles and wine-

glasses, and had even slightly cut himself. There was also something of a row between Molotov and the Swedish Minister, whom Molotov upbraided for the peculiar

"neutrality" Sweden had been pursuing. The said Minister was soon afterwards recalled by his Government. The whole party sparkled with jewels, furs, gold braid, and

celebrities. The gold braid on the new Russian pearl-grey diplomatic uniforms rivalled that of the generals and marshals. Shostakovich was there in full evening dress—looking like a college boy who had put it on for the first time—and there were dozens of other stars of the literary, musical, artistic, scientific and theatrical firmaments. The party had something of that wild and irresponsible extravagance which one usually associates with pre-Revolution Moscow. There never was to be another party quite like it in subsequent years. But Molotov must have enjoyed it. There was something splendidly Muscovite in this entertainment of watching Ambassadors in all their regalia falling flat on their faces and being carried out by Russian underlings whose chuckles kept breaking through their expression of deep concern.

We need not recount here the familiar story of the Teheran Conference, except to say that the Russians were satisfied with it—as far as it went. A firm decision had at last been taken to launch "Overlord" in May, an operation that would be supported by a great Russian offensive. Also increased help was to be given to Tito's Partisans.

Some of the remaining "military" decisions—e.g. concerning the eventual entry of Turkey into the war on the side of the Big Three— were to remain a dead letter.

The Partition of Germany was discussed, but no definite decisions were taken; an

agreement of sorts was reached on the approximate future frontiers of Poland, though the question of the Neisse frontier was left unsettled and the question of the Polish

Government was shelved.

Churchill had pleaded in favour of a lenient Russian treatment of Finland, and had

received some half-assurances from Stalin on that score. In the end, Finland was to be let off fairly lightly by the Russians, less because of any half-promises made to Churchill, than in virtue of Russia's own peculiar "Scandinavian" policy, with Swedish neutrality as its centre.

Stalin promised to take part in the war against Japan after the capitulation of Germany, but on terms still to be settled.

None of this was publicly disclosed at the time; what was announced in the final

communiqué was that:

We have concerted our plans for the destruction of German forces. We have