“Our only ties to Iran are economic, Kevin, as well as diplomatic,” Zevitin said. “But Iran is a friend and a recognized strategic partner of Russia. Any military action against Iran would be of very great concern to us.”
“Leonid, Russia has sold over five billion dollars’ worth of advanced military hardware to Iran in just the past few years,” Martindale said. “We know you have advisers and instructors on the ground throughout Iran. You may consider that purely economic, but the United States considers that military support. Russia has in the past tried to assert the 1987 Russo-Iranian Mutual Defense Treaty…”
“That treaty was signed only because of American support for Iraq during the Iran-Iraq War,” Zevitin said. “Russia does not station any troops in Iran, as you do in Iraq. We have occasionally conducted joint exercises and participated in training and officer exchange programs, as does the United States with many of their friends and allies.” He paused for a moment, and when he spoke again his voice was considerably lighter. “Come come, Kevin, we can argue like this to the end of time. Why bother? Let’s let the diplomats with their rose-colored language squabble over this and that. We can deal with this issue like leaders.
“I called to offer Russia’s sympathy and assistance in getting your man and your property back,” Zevitin went on. “As I said, Kevin, if you go to the Security Council, file a protest, and draft a resolution condemning Iran and demanding immediate return of all American property, Russia will stand with you. We will use all of our influence to see to it that the resolution is unanimously passed, and we will support any actions, short of war, to enforce the resolution. But if you decide not to take that path, Russia will not support you, and will vigorously protect and defend our own interests in the region.”
“Now who sounds like he’s reading from a prepared statement, Leonid?” Martindale asked, trying to keep his own tone light.
“As you know, Kevin, we Russians do not like to have breakfast each morning unless it has been planned five years ahead of time,” Zevitin said in an equally light tone, “but this time it is not from a prepared statement — it is from me.” His tone darkened considerably, and his Russian accent abruptly overshadowed the Western ones. “Step lightly in Iran, Mr. President. Use the United Nations, your allies, and Russia, and have patience. America has been wronged here, but America is not an innocent party in Iran either — we both know this to be true. Ask for support and you will get it, especially from Russia. Ask for trouble and violence, and you will get that as well.”
“Especially from Russia, Leonid?” Martindale asked.
There was a long, ominous pause on the line; then: “Good-bye, Mr. President,” Zevitin said. “May you be well. Good night to all your advisers listening in as well.”
“Good-bye, Mr. President. Take care.” He hung up the phone, and the others did as well. “That went better than I expected,” he said sarcastically.
“I wouldn’t trust him as far as I could throw him, Mr. President,” National Security Adviser Sparks said.
“He’s telling us what he knows, sir,” Secretary of State Mary Carson offered, “and he knows a lot. The Iranians must be feeding the Russians all their intel.”
“We’ve known the Russians have had military advisers in Iran for years, as the President told Zevitin,” Patrick McLanahan said. “But this level of cooperation is a serious development. Zevitin was issuing us a warning.”
“A warning? What warning?”
“I think Russia will intervene if we go into Iran,” Patrick replied. “He’s giving us a way to save face by going to the United Nations; by doing that, he can also give the Iranians more time to deal with the insurgency without resorting to more heavy-handed tactics. Whatever the reason, there’s no doubt that Russia and Iran are assisting each other now.”
“Why would Russia help Iran?” Vice President Hershel asked. “Just to sell them more military hardware?”
“Not only that, ma’am, but a powerful Iran that distracts attention and commits resources toward the Middle East takes attention and pressure away from Russia, which allows it to continue its own military buildup and reassert itself in Europe and Asia,” Patrick said. “Iran will take bolder steps toward regional hegemony if they know Russia is behind them. And even a few Russian so-called ‘advisers’ and ‘instructors’ in Iran is a good tripwire in case we do act. If we kill Russians, it’ll be seen as an overt act of aggression.”
“Which is precisely why we can’t escalate this crisis by planning any more actions in Iran, Mr. President,” Carson said pointedly. “How would we even know if Russians were on the ground if we struck an Iranian target? We’d have to assume every Iranian missile site had a Russian nearby. They might even put a Russian uniform on one of theirs and call it an act of war.”