Читаем The Battle for Spain: The Spanish Civil War 1936-1939 полностью

On 30 July Modesto reorganized the formations in the central sector and took personal command of operations. He concentrated the tanks and artillery which had managed to cross the Ebro around Gandesa. But the tanks presented an excellent target for the Condor Legion’s 88mm anti-aircraft guns, which had been ordered to take them on whenever there were no aircraft around. Meanwhile its Kampfgruppe of Heinkel 111 bombers concentrated on the bridges, with over 40 sorties that day. They destroyed two bridges and one footbridge from a height of 4,000 metres. One of the bridges was repaired and again destroyed in a night bombing run. And the Stuka flight attacked the bridges at Asco and Vinebre, with eight of their 500kg bombs, achieving a direct hit on the latter.16 But the Stukas had less luck next day when they attempted to smash the tunnel exit four kilometres east of Mora la Nueva.

Modesto ordered a relentless bombardment of Gandesa with his thirteen batteries and launched his infantry into the attack. They reached the cemetery and came close to the heavily defended building of the agriculture syndicate, but they could not get to grips with Barrón’s men.

Meanwhile the 3rd Division attacked Vilalba dels Arcs. But all during daylight hours nationalist and allied aircraft continued to strike at troop concentrations and supply lines, still without opposition from the republican air force. Only on 31 July did republican planes appear in an attack on Gandesa.

The largest air battles of the whole war then took place over the Ebro front. On 31 July alone, no less than 300 missions were flown with aircraft mixed in dogfights and attacking bombers to prevent them dropping their loads on comrades on the ground. ‘The place stank because of the corpses,’ wrote Edwin Rolfe, an American International Brigader. ‘Enemy bombers returned to our position in the valley killing the wounded being evacuated and the stretcher-bearers, and attacking the wells…The bullets whistled over our heads, red tracers which seemed to move slowly through the air…It was the longest day of my life.’17

The experience was terrifying for those on the ground, but the last four weeks had also been disastrous for the Republic in the air, despite their absence from the Ebro front. The Condor Legion and the nationalists claimed for the month of July alone 76 republican aircraft destroyed and nine probables. But the Battle of the Ebro provided an even better opportunity for the nationalists and their allies to destroy the republican air force once and for all.18

Rojo, Modesto and Tagüeña estimated that everything which had happened up to this point was a tactical victory. They had no doubt about the effect of the battle on an international audience as well as on the republican zone. But in fact the only thing they had achieved was to send their bull into the ring, with little chance of survival. Even if they had taken Gandesa, there would have been no further chance to advance because of the rapid concentration of nationalist troops against them. In this first week they had exhausted all their advantages, of surprise, speed and audacity.19 Once again a great republican offensive collapsed without achieving its aims because of a lack of follow-through due to wasting time on crushing points of enemy resistance instead of pushing on towards the main objective. Yagüe’s rapid reaction to the attack had given the nationalists enough time to bring up eight divisions of reinforcements. The situation of the republicans was even worse than that at Brunete. They had the river behind them and this created a far greater problem in bringing forward supplies and ammunition. There was also even less water for drinking.

On 1 August Modesto ordered the Army of the Ebro to go on to the defensive. They had lost 12,000 men to gain an area of desolate, scorched terrain of no strategic value. The heat increased. On 4 August the Condor Legion recorded temperatures of 37 degrees in the shade and 57 in the sun. Even the night brought little relief.20 For the republicans, defence was hardly an easy option. It was impossible to dig trenches in the iron-hard earth and rocky landscape of the Terra Alta. They could protect themselves only with parapets and sangars made from stones, and they soon found that artillery shells were far more lethal in such surroundings than in open countryside for each explosion turned stones into shrapnel.

Перейти на страницу:

Похожие книги

1812. Всё было не так!
1812. Всё было не так!

«Нигде так не врут, как на войне…» – история Наполеонова нашествия еще раз подтвердила эту старую истину: ни одна другая трагедия не была настолько мифологизирована, приукрашена, переписана набело, как Отечественная война 1812 года. Можно ли вообще величать ее Отечественной? Было ли нападение Бонапарта «вероломным», как пыталась доказать наша пропаганда? Собирался ли он «завоевать» и «поработить» Россию – и почему его столь часто встречали как освободителя? Есть ли основания считать Бородинское сражение не то что победой, но хотя бы «ничьей» и почему в обороне на укрепленных позициях мы потеряли гораздо больше людей, чем атакующие французы, хотя, по всем законам войны, должно быть наоборот? Кто на самом деле сжег Москву и стоит ли верить рассказам о французских «грабежах», «бесчинствах» и «зверствах»? Против кого была обращена «дубина народной войны» и кому принадлежат лавры лучших партизан Европы? Правда ли, что русская армия «сломала хребет» Наполеону, и по чьей вине он вырвался из смертельного капкана на Березине, затянув войну еще на полтора долгих и кровавых года? Отвечая на самые «неудобные», запретные и скандальные вопросы, эта сенсационная книга убедительно доказывает: ВСЁ БЫЛО НЕ ТАК!

Георгий Суданов

Военное дело / История / Политика / Образование и наука