The Enemy Within

At last, the President looked up from a thick, red-tagged briefing book he’d been devouring while the discussion raged around him. There were shadows under his eyes. Even in normal times the nation’s chief executive often had trouble sleeping. Now his fatigue showed plainly. He fixed his gaze on the FBI Director. “You’re sure the Iranian government was directly involved in this attack on us? That this wasn’t just a couple of whacked-out crazies on a killing spree?”

Farrell shifted slightly in his chair, concealing his impatience. They’d already been over this same ground several times. The others around him didn’t seem fazed. Apparently, marathon talkfests were the rule in this administration, not the exception.

“We’re as sure as we can be under the circumstances, Mr. President,” David Leiter answered carefully. At forty, the trim, telegenic FBI Director was young for his post, but he’d spent years as a prosecutor and he knew how to build a case.

Physical evidence from the site of the bridge massacre and the dead terrorists definitely linked the HizbAllah to the attack. And where the HizbAllah went, Iran was always close behind. Tehran’s radical Islamic regime had helped create the shadowy terror group in the early 1980s. Tehran provided it with safe havens, training camps, and supplies. Tehran held the organization’s purse strings and kept its ideological fervor burning at a fever pitch. For all practical purposes, Iran owned the HizbAllah. Given all of that, the consensus opinion among America’s senior counter terror experts was clear: The HizbAllah’s leaders would never launch an operation of such magnitude without direct authorization by Iran’s Supreme Defense Council.

After all, Iran had plenty of its own reasons to strike hard at the United States. Since the fall of the Shah, the two countries had been more or less in a state of undeclared war. Iranian-sponsored hostage-takings had been met with American economic sanctions. During the 1980s Iranian attacks on neutral shipping during its war with Iraq had led to a series of fierce naval clashes in the Persian Gulf. In recent years Tehran’s ambitious efforts to acquire missile and nuclear technologies had encountered stiff American resistance at all levels. With the collapse of the old Soviet Union, Iran’s radical mullahs viewed the United States the Great Satan as the last remaining obstacle and threat to their revolution. And Tehran’s state-controlled press had been quick to openly celebrate the “heroic martyrs who have plunged this dagger into America’s heart.”

Leiter paused, letting that sink in, and then pressed on. “Finally, Mr. President, we have hard evidence of official Iranian involvement.” He nodded toward the CIA chief. “Several years ago, our intelligence services started making contacts in Eastern Europe’s arms industries. We knew their desperate need for hard currency would make it difficult to completely block explosives sales to terrorist front groups. So we did the next best thing. We persuaded them to blend distinctive mixtures of inert chemicals into every batch of plastic explosive they manufacture. Essentially, every separate production run carries its own unique molecular signature.”

The FBI Director paused again. “Our labs ran a trace on the explosives used in the Golden Gate Bridge attack. They came straight out of Iranian military stockpiles, Mr. President. Stockpiles the government of Iran purchased less than six months ago.”

“I see.” The President bit his lower lip, apparently still reluctant to make a final decision.

Farrell understood his hesitation. By their very nature, military operations involved killing. They were also inherently hazardous both physically for the men tasked to carry them out and politically for the national leaders who approved them.

Still frowning, the President shut the briefing book in front of him and glanced toward the small man seated to his left. “Any thoughts, Jeff?”

Balding, scrawny, and often dressed in worn suits that were ten years out-of-date, Jefferson T. Corbell blended oddly with the rest of the button-down crowd inhabiting the White House. Despite that eccentric appearance, Farrell knew, the man wielded enormous power.

Corbell was the President’s top political tactician, the keeper of his prospects for reelection.

“We have to hit the Iranians back, Mr. President. Hard.” Corbell at least had no doubts. He leaned forward, stabbing the air with a finger to emphasise his points speaking forcefully through a soft southern drawl. “When the American people find out who was behind this attack, they’ll want action on this not finger-wagging or U.N. resolutions.”

The diminutive Georgian glared at the Secretary of State as if daring him to disagree before he turned back to the President. “Our focus groups all say the same thing: You can’t afford to appear weak or indecisive. God knows, we can’t afford to let this thing linger on much longer. This foreign policy shit is dragging all your poll numbers down.”