Morland could hear the cool professionalism in her voice. “I’ve got a clear enough picture of you from here. All that matters is that we can hear each other. Can you help us?” Morland was brisk and giving away nothing.
“Give me as much detail as you can and we’ll start tracking down the network.”
Morland handed over to Krauja who briefed in detail on the extent of Russian infiltration of the Latvian Russian Union, together with what was known about plans for the next day’s pro-Russian speakers demonstration. She also highlighted Latvian concerns about a counter-demonstration by Latvian nationalists. “We think the Russians are winding each side up to cause civil disturbances and give them an excuse to intervene to protect their own people. Just as they did in Crimea and now in eastern Ukraine.”
“I understand.” Allenby was matter of fact and was clearly not going to give anything away about the British position on Latvia’s concerns. “I’ll talk to my team at GCHQ and ensure my senior people are fully in the picture.”
“We’ll also ask the guys at Vauxhall Cross, Tom,” added Dingley, referring to the British Secret Intelligence Service, MI6, headquarters, based on the south side of the River Thames in Vauxhall. “See if they’re picking anything up. We’ve agreed the Latvian request for you and the team to get into a position to observe the demonstration and relay back what is happening.”
“The demo is due to kick off at midday tomorrow,” Morland replied. “Let me know if you find out anything before then. We’re heading into Riga tonight to recce the demo route and find OPs to monitor events.”
The update finished and the faces in Northwood disappeared as the screen went blank.
“So, Tom, as we’re going to be working together pretty closely… You don’t mind me calling you Tom?” asked Krauja.
“As long as I can call you Marina,” Morland answered, flattered that she had been the one to relax the formality.
“Of course.” She smiled. “You know that girl?”
“I used to… but we’ve got work to do, Marina.”
Morland looked her in the eye, but he sensed that she already knew; beautiful
Morland turned to his team. “Time to get into Riga and find out where we can best see things tomorrow. Without being seen.”
“I’ll show you. Come,” said Krauja.
T
HAT WEDNESDAY DAWNED brighter. The gray clouds and cold northerly wind had disappeared and the day promised to be fine. Despite that, there was a sense of foreboding in Riga, a feeling entirely foreign to the city. News of the murders of Petrov and Zadonov, the Russian Latvian Union leaders, had spread quickly through the large Russian population and their sense of shock and outrage was everywhere.Vronsky was up early to capitalize on the events of the previous night. Leaving Brezhneva to first report back to Moscow and then maintain a steady stream of Twitter and other social media feeds to fearful Russian speakers desperate for news, he met the organizing committee of the demonstration and a new leader was soon appointed. He then sat down with the RNZS commander and his subordinates to plan the course of the demonstration from start to finish.
The killings were having exactly the desired effect. As the news spread by word of mouth, by Twitter, Facebook and other social media—Brezhneva no doubt doing her part—so the anger mounted among ethnic Russians.
From early in the morning large numbers of Russian speakers walked, biked, bused or traveled by the ubiquitous trams to the designated assembly area for the demonstration, watched by Vronsky from a café where he sat drinking endless cups of coffee. Others came by bus and car, particularly from Daugavpils and other Russian majority areas in the east, beside the border with Russia. Some Russian speakers were Latvian citizens, but most were the so-called “non-citizens,” denied Latvian citizenship because they refused to take the Latvian “citizenship test” on a point of principle.
While there had remained a deeply discontented minority ever since the final withdrawal of Soviet troops in 1994, most “non-citizens” accepted the status quo and were happy with their “Western” style of life in Latvia. But now, and ever since the invasion of Crimea and Ukraine, they were exposed to a constant stream of Russian TV broadcasts and social media highlighting the discrimination, the lack of employment opportunities and the laws against speaking Russian. Every day they were told how much better things would be under the paternal protection of the President.
And in recent months, following a highly provocative petition organized by Latvian nationalists calling for ethnic Russians to be put into concentration camps, there had been a more direct message broadcast by the entertaining and thoroughly believable Kremlin TV, telling people to get onto the streets and demonstrate for their civic rights as ethnic Russians. And, if necessary, to be prepared to fight for those rights.