This time the accused is not Panin or Zakrevsky—the accused is
This accusation, expressed on behalf of "a significant number of thinking people in Russia," has great importance for me. Its final word is that all my activity, that is, my life's work, is bringing
If I believed this, I would find the selflessness to hand over my work to others and disappear somewhere in the back of the beyond, lamenting how my entire life had been a mistake. But I am not the judge of my own case; there are too many maniacs who are sure that they are doing the right thing, and you cannot prove a case with ardent love, pure intentions, or your entire life. Therefore, I will turn over the accusation to the court of public opinion.
Until the time when the public speaks loudly on the side of the accuser, I will stubbornly follow the path along which I have been traveling.
Until the time when I receive dozens of ardent expressions of sympathy with the accusatory letter, I will persist.
While the number of readers continues to grow—as it is now growing— I will persist.
While Butenev in Constantinople, Kiselev in Rome, and I don't know who in Berlin, Vienna, and Dresden wear themselves out rushing about to viziers and pashas, to ministers' secretaries and cardinals' assistants, asking and begging for the suppression of
I stand before you in my "hopelessly incorrigible state," as Golitsyn junior characterized me in 1835, when I was being judged by a committee of inquiry.2 Be as strict, cruel, and unjust as you wish, but I ask of you one thing: in the English manner, let us stick to business and leave personalities out of it.
I am prepared to print everything that is possible in terms of
The "Accusatory Letter" which we have published today differs substantially from previous letters opposing
There is nothing like that in this letter.
Those were written
And here I must add that we are not at all in the exclusive position that is often ascribed to us, and which is ascribed by the author of this letter, and against which I protest with all my strength. What kind of monopoly do we have on Russian publishing, as if we held the concession on Russian speech in foreign lands?
If we are, as the author of the letter says,
Now that we have gotten the ball rolling, you can publish in Russian in Berlin, Leipzig, and in London itself.3
And if, in good conscience, we cannot recommend the Brussels periodical
Notes
Source: "Obvinitel'nyi akt,"
Herzen complained about the campaign to suppress