Fall of Giants

As soon as that was decided, the Committee for Struggle left the debating hall. Grigori had been a politician for six months, and he had learned how to work the system. Now he ignored the formal composition of the committee and invited a dozen useful people to join them, including Konstantin from the Putilov works and Isaak from the First Machine Guns.

The soviet had moved from the Tauride Palace to the Smolny Institute, a former girls’ school, and the committee reconvened in a classroom, surrounded by framed embroidery and girlish watercolors.

The chairman said: “Do we have a motion for debate?”

This was rubbish, but Grigori had been a deputy long enough to know how to get around it. He moved immediately to take control of the meeting and get the committee focused on action instead of words.

“Yes, comrade Chairman, if I may,” he said. “I propose there are five things we need to do.” A numbered list was always a good idea: people felt they had to listen until you got to the end. “First: Mobilize the Petrograd soldiers against the mutiny of General Kornilov. How can we achieve this? I suggest that Corporal Isaak Ivanovich should draw up a list of the principal barracks with the names of reliable revolutionary leaders in each. Having identified our allies, we should send a letter instructing them to put themselves under the orders of this committee and get ready to repel the mutineers. If Isaak begins now he can bring list and letter back to this committee for approval in a few minutes’ time.”

Grigori paused briefly to allow people to nod, then, taking that for approval, he went on.

“Thank you. Carry on, comrade Isaak. Second, we must send a message to Kronstadt.” The naval base at Kronstadt, an island twenty miles offshore, was notorious for its brutal treatment of sailors, especially young trainees. Six months ago the sailors had turned on their tormentors, and had tortured and murdered many of their officers. The place was now a radical stronghold. “The sailors must arm themselves, deploy to Petrograd, and put themselves under our orders.” Grigori pointed to a Bolshevik deputy whom he knew to be close to the sailors. “Comrade Gleb, will you undertake that task, with the committee’s approval?”

Gleb nodded. “If I may, I will draft a letter for our chairman to sign, then take it to Kronstadt myself.”

“Please do.”

The committee members were now looking a bit bewildered. Things were moving faster than usual. Only the Bolsheviks were unsurprised.

“Third, we must organize factory workers into defensive units and arm them. We can get the guns from army arsenals and from armaments factories. Most workers will need some training in firearms and military discipline. I suggest this task be carried out jointly by the trade unions and the Red Guards.” The Red Guards were revolutionary soldiers and workers who carried firearms. Not all were Bolsheviks, but they usually obeyed orders from the Bolshevik committees. “I propose that comrade Konstantin, the deputy from the Putilov works, take charge of this. He will know the leading union in each major factory.”

Grigori knew that he was turning the population of Petrograd into a revolutionary army, and so did the other Bolsheviks on the committee, but would the rest of them figure that out? At the end of this process, assuming the counterrevolution was defeated, it was going to be very difficult for the moderates to disarm the force they had created and restore the authority of the provisional government. If they thought that far ahead they might try to moderate or reverse what Grigori was proposing. But at the moment they were focused on preventing a military takeover. As usual, only the Bolsheviks had a strategy.

Konstantin said: “Yes, indeed, I’ll make a list.” He would favor Bolshevik union leaders, of course, but they were nowadays the most effective anyway.

Grigori said: “Fourth, the Railwaymen’s Union must do all it can to hamper the advance of Kornilov’s army.” The Bolsheviks had worked hard to gain control of this union, and now had at least one supporter in every locomotive shed. Bolshevik trade unionists always volunteered for duty as treasurer, secretary, or chairman. “Although some troops are on the way here by road, the bulk of the men and their supplies will have to come by rail. The union can make sure they get held up and sent on long diversions. Comrade Viktor, may the committee rely on you to do this?”

Viktor, a railwaymen’s deputy, nodded agreement. “I will set up an ad hoc committee within the union to organize the disruption of the mutineers’ advance.”

“Finally, we should encourage other cities to set up committees like this one,” Grigori said. “The revolution must be defended everywhere. Perhaps other members of this committee could suggest which towns we should communicate with?”