Читаем Political Ponerology: A Science on the Nature of Evil Adjusted for Political Purposes полностью

not yet represent a complete picture of pathocracy. Many local

leaders and adherents persist in their original convictions

which, albeit radical, strike them as serving the good of a much

larger proportion of formerly abused persons, not just a few

percent of pathocrats and the interests of a would-be world

wide empire.

Local leaders continue to think along the lines of social

revolution, appealing to the political goals they truly believe in.

They demand that the “friendly power” furnish them not only

the promised assistance, but also a certain measure of auton-

omy they consider crucial. They are not sufficiently familiar

with the mysterious “us-and-them” dichotomy. At the same

time they are instructed and ordered to submit to the dictates of

unclear ambassadors whose meaning and purpose are hard to

understand. Frustration and doubt thus grow; their nature is

ideological, nationalistic, and practical.

Conflict progressively increases, especially when wide cir-

cles of society begin to doubt whether those people allegedly

220

PATHOCRACY

acting in the name of some great ideology do in fact believe in

it. Thanks to experience and contact with the pathocratic na-

tion, similarly wide circles simultaneously increase their prac-

tical knowledge about the reality and behavioral methods of

that system. Should such a semi-colony thus achieve too much

independence or even decide to defect, too much of this knowl-

edge could then reach the consciousness of normal man’s coun-

tries. This could represent a serious defeat for pathocracy.

Ever-increasing control is thus necessary until full pathoc-

racy can be achieved. Those leaders whom the central authori-

ties consider to be effectively transitional can be eliminated

unless they indicate a sufficient degree of submission. Geopo-

litical conditions are generally decisive in this area. That ex-

plains why it is easier for such leaders to survive on an outlying

island than in countries bordering the empire. Should such

leaders manage to maintain a larger degree of autonomy by

concealing their doubts, they might be able to take advantage

of their geopolitical position if the conditions are amenable.

During such a phase of crisis of trust, circumspect policy on

the part of normal man’s countries could still tip the scales in

favor of a structure which may be revolutionary and leftist, but

not pathocratic. However, this is not the only missing consid-

eration; another primary one is the lack of objective knowledge

about the phenomenon, something which would make such

policy possible. Emotional factors, coupled with a moralizing

interpretation of pathological phenomena, frequently play

much too great a part in political decision-making.

No full-fledged pathocracy can develop until the second up-

heaval and the purging of its transitional leadership, which

was insufficiently loyal thereto. This is the counterpart of a

showdown with the true adherents of the ideology within the

genesis of the original pathocracy, which can then develop, due

both to the appropriately imposed leaders and to the activity of

this phenomenon’s autonomous ponerogenic mechanisms.

After the initial governmental period, brutal, bloody, and

psychologically naive, such a pathocracy thereupon begins its

transformation into its dissimulative form, which has already

been described in discussing the genesis of the phenomenon

and the force-imposed pathocracy. During this period not even


POLITICAL PONEROLOGY

221

the most skillful outside policy can possibly undermine the

existence of such a system. The period of weakness is still to

come: when a mighty network of the society of normal people

is formed.

The above lapidary description of an infectious imposition

of pathocracy indicates that this process repeats all the phases

of independent ponerogenesis condensed in time and content.

Underneath the rulership of its incompetent administrative

predecessors, we can even discern a period of hyperactivity on

the part of schizoidal individuals mesmerized by the vision of

their own rule based on contempt for human nature, especially

if they are numerous within a given country. They do not real-

ize that pathocracy will never make their dreams come true; it

will rather shunt them into the shadows, since individuals with

whom we are already familiar will become the leaders.

A pathocracy thus generated will be more strongly im-

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Известный политолог Сергей Кургинян в своей новой книге рассматривает феномен так называемой «подковерной политики». Одновременно он разрабатывает аппарат, с помощью которого можно анализировать нетранспарентные («подковерные») политические процессы, и применяет этот аппарат к анализу текущих событий. Автор анализирует самые актуальные события новейшей российской политики. Отставки и назначения, аресты и высказывания, коммерческие проекты и политические эксцессы. При этом актуальность (кто-то скажет «сенсационность») анализируемых событий не заслоняет для него подлинный смысл происходящего. Сергей Кургинян не становится на чью-то сторону, не пытается кого-то демонизировать. Он выступает не как следователь или журналист, а как исследователь элиты. Аппарат теории элит, социология закрытых групп, миропроектная конкуренция, политическая культурология позволяют автору разобраться в происходящем, не опускаясь до «теории заговора» или «войны компроматов».

Сергей Ервандович Кургинян

Политика / Образование и наука