Для всех богатых стран является нормой протекционизм как внутри своих экономик, так и в мировой торговле. От слабых стран на периферии империи требуют проведения структурных изменений, но ни одна из сильных стран не оставляет своих граждан на съедение глобальному капиталу. Если бы кто-то попробовал, граждане этой страны немедленно сместили бы такое правительство.
В классический и неолиберальной экономике отсутствует упоминание об экспоненциальной разнице в накоплении капитала из-за неравной оплаты за одинаково производительный труд; об истоках грабежа торговлей; о том, что свободная торговля по Адаму Смиту — это всё тот же видоизменённый грабеж торговлей.
Список литературы к Приложению А
1. J.W. Smith, Economic Democracy: The Political Struggle of the Twenty-First Century,
(Armonk, NY: M.E. Sharpe, 2000), pp. 24 (в авторской редакции для второго издания), for labor rates, citing, Doug Henwood, “Clinton and the Austerity — p. 628. Colin Hines and Tim Lang (Jerry Mander and Edward Goldsmith eds.) in The Case Against the Global Economy and for A Turn Toward the Local (San Francisco: Sierra Club, 1996), p. 487 say $24.90 an hour for the Germany and $16.40 for the U.S. When benefits are included German manufacturing wages rise to $30 and hour, America to $20 and hour and Britain to $15 (Richard C. Longworth, Global Squeeze: The Coming Crisis of First-World Nations (Chicago: Contemporary Books, 1999), p. 177. Russian wages will increase even greater when benefits are factored in.2. Karl Polanyi, The Great Transformation
(Boston: Beacon Press, 1957), p. 277. Quoting the classics: Henri Pirenne, Economic and Social History of Medieval Europe. (New York: Harcourt, Brace, 1937) and Eli F. Heckscher’s Mercantilism, 2 vol. (New York: The Macmillan Company, 1955).3. Immanuel Wallerstein, The Origin of The Modern World System
, vol. 1 (New York: Academic Press, 1974), pp. 119-20. See also Paul Bairoch’s, Cities and Economic Development From the Dawn of History to the Present (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1988). For “plunder-by-trade,” see William H. McNeill, The Pursuit of Power (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1982).4. Christopher Layne, “Rethinking American Grand Strategy,” World Policy Journal,
(Summer 1998), pp. 8-28.5. Lewis Mumford, Technics and Human Development
(New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1967), p. 279; Kropotkin, Mutual Aid, chapters 6 and 7; George Renard, Guilds of the Middle Ages (New York: Augustus M. Kelly, 1968), p. 35; Petr Kropotkin, The State (London: Freedom Press, 1987), p. 41; Dan Nadudere, The Political Economy of Imperialism (London: Zed Books, 1977), p. 186.6. Barbara Tuchman, The March of Folly
(New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1984), pp. 130-31. For early mercantilist theory see Douglas A. Irwin, Against the Tide: An Intellectual History of Free Trade (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1996).7. Adam Smith, The Wealth of Nations
(New York: Random House, 1965), p. 607.8. Friedrich List, The National System of Political Economy
(Fairfield, NJ: Auguatus M.Kelley, 1977), pp. 9-33, 40-45, 56, 71-79, 345, chapters 26, 27.9. Smith, The Wealth of Nations,
pp. 413, 426, 642. For free trade philosophy before Adam Smith, see Michael Perelman, The Invention of Capitalism: Classical Political Economy and the Secret History of Primitive Accumulation (London: Duke University Press, 2000) and Irwin, Against the Tide, chapter 3.10. List, National System
, pp. 366-370.11. Ibid, p. 73. Earlier theorists on protection against mercantilists were: Alexander Hamilton, 1791; Adam Muller, 1809; Jean-Antoine Chaptal, 1819 and Charles Dupin, 1827, see Paul Bairoch, Economics and World History: Myths and Parodoxes
(Chicago: University of Chicago Press,12. Ibid, p. 99.
13. Ibid, pp. xxvii-xxviii, 368-69.
14. Ibid, pp. 73-75.
15. Ibid, p. xxv.
16. Charles A. Beard, An Economic Interpretation of the Constitution
(New York: Macmillan Publishing Co., 1941), p. 46. See also Michael Barratt Brown, Fair Trade (London: Zed Books, 1993), p. 20.17. Beard, Economic Interpretation
, pp. 46-47, 171, 173.