Russia at war 1941-1945

"The Anglo-French imperialists," he said, "wanted to turn the war in Finland into a war against the Soviet Union. But they failed in this, and the Soviet Union's relations with Germany continue to be good." The Anglo-French hostility to the Soviet Union, he went on, had been most violent in connection with the Finnish question, and he then

indignantly spoke of the police raid on the Soviet trade delegation in Paris, and of the

"virtual expulsion" from France of the Soviet Ambassador, Jacob Suritz. The Soviet Government had had to recall him.

After referring to the satisfactory economic relations with Germany, Molotov then

complained of British and French interference with Soviet-German trade: "They seize our ships in the Far East, because they are alleged to 'help Germany'; yet Rumania sells half her oil to Germany, and Rumania remains unmolested." He then protested against the various "fabrications" concerning Russia's alleged designs on India and other parts of the British Empire. "Our policy is a policy of neutrality, and I know it isn't to the taste of the Anglo-French imperialists, who want to inflict on us a policy of hostility and war against Germany."

Pointedly he remarked that Chamberlain, who had hoped that the Finnish War would

develop into something different, was greatly distressed when he heard of the Finnish-Soviet peace settlement. He spoke of the 141 planes and the other equipment Britain had sent to Finland, and of the military help France and Sweden had given her.

He concluded somewhat morosely by saying that the war in Finland had cost the Soviet Union 48,745 dead and 158,000 wounded—for a small "frontier rectification".

[The Finns put the Russian losses much higher.]

Saying that the Finns were minimiising their losses, Molotov then "estimated" that they had lost 60,000 dead and 250,000 wounded. These figures gave the Russians but little grounds for boasting, nor were they likely to foster Finnish-Soviet relations. Significantly he was very sparing in his praise of the generals who had conducted the campaign.

Altogether, as I was later told by many Russians, Molotov's report on the Finnish War had left them with an unpleasant and frustrating feeling. The only two things that could be said in favour of the war were that it had achieved its immediate objective (but at a terrible price, and in very unfortunate conditions)—and that it was now over. Here and there, questions were also asked about the "Terijoki Government", but it was soon made clear to the bright young people who asked them that they had better shut up.

[Wolfgang Leonhard, op. cit., p. 86.]

Pravda briefly announced that, in view of the changed international situation, the Finnish

"People's Government" had been dissolved. This was the end of that absurd experiment.

At one time, while the war was still on, Pravda had published a long list—covering two whole pages of the paper—of the officers and soldiers decorated for bravery; but there was remarkably little flag-waving over the conclusion of the Finnish War—much less,

indeed than over the "victory" won in Eastern Poland. Here at least much could be made of the, more or less genuine, enthusiasm with which the Ukrainians and Belorussians

welcomed the Red Army; there was nothing like that in Karelia, where practically the entire population had been evacuated, or had fled, to Finland. Viborg, the only large city occupied by the Russians, had been abandoned by all its inhabitants. Above all there was the depressing effect of the heavy casualties suffered and of the suspicion that all was not perfect with the Red Army. Then, less than a month after the signing of the Soviet-Finnish Peace Treaty, Germany invaded Denmark and Norway. This gave rise to more

anxiety.

During that short interval nothing of any consequence happened in Russia, with the

exception of the meeting of the Supreme Soviet at the beginning of April which approved the 1940 budget. Already the effects of the Finnish War could be felt here. As Pravda wrote in its editorial of April 5: "The Supreme Soviet has approved the budget of the USSR for 1940. With great enthusiasm it voted a large increase in our defence

expenditure. Our country must have an even more powerful Red Army and Navy if it is

to discourage the warmongers. The fifty-seven milliard roubles to be spent on

strengthening our defence will help the Red Army and Navy to solve any problems

connected with the security of our State."

The tone of this editorial was remarkably free of the usual bluster, and was perhaps intended to convey that the Red Army would, in the future, give a better account of itself than it had done in the Finnish War.

Before the actual German attack on Denmark and Norway, the Soviet press tended to

echo the German charges of "Anglo-French violations of Norwegian sovereignty". This was, indeed, the phrase used by Pravda on April 9. By the time the paper had been printed, the Germans were already busy occupying the two Scandinavian countries.