At these meetings Georgia’s finest prose writer, Konstantine Gamsakhurdia (father of Georgia’s future president), defended Titsian Tabidze from abuse and refused to speak unless NKVD agents were silenced. He reported an assurance received from Orjonikidze that dissident intellectuals would not be sent to concentration camps, “because this would be imitating Hitler.” Gamsakhurdia was a Mingrelian, like Beria, and had been the independent Georgian government’s envoy in Germany. He had been sent to the Solovetsky islands as a bourgeois nationalist. On his return he had translated Dante’s
Georgia’s other major novelist, Mikheil Javakhishvili, was a marked man. On July 26, 1937, the union voted: “Mikheil Javakhisvili, as an enemy of the people, a spy and diversant, is to be expelled from the Union of Writers and physically annihilated.” One brave friend, Geronti Kikodze, walked out of the hall.17
Javakhishvili was beaten in Beria’s presence until he signed a confession; he was shot on September 30. His property was looted, his archives destroyed, his brother shot, his widow turned into a recluse for the next forty-five years.Beria wiped out most of the major writers of Armenia, Abkhazia, and Osetia but he could not touch any Russian writers except for those already arrested. On December 10, 1937, Beria addressed the survivors. He linked all his victims—engineers, theater directors, poets—with a plot to spread typhoid, to sell Ajaria to the Turks, and to kill Lavrenti Beria.
Mopping Up After Ezhov
TWO MONTHS AFTER ARRIVING in Moscow, Beria refined the terror. After November 15, 1938, victims were no longer chosen at random, but, as before 1936, for their links to others. Purges that Ezhov had begun in the armed forces, the NKVD, the Communist Youth Movement, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, and the intelligentsia were either wound up or stepped up. The NKVD was, after Ezhov’s appointees had been shot, also a happier place. They now had a leader supposedly trusted by Stalin and, instead of Ezhov’s unpredictable and scorpionlike ingratitude to his own juniors, a Caucasian set of relationships between boss and underlings: treachery was cruelly punished, but Beria stood by his men and loyalty was rewarded.
Beria learned faster than Ezhov, but had at first to seek Stalin’s advice—he lacked his predecessors’ familiarity with the Moscow elites: writers, journalists, army officers, diplomats. From September 1938 to Stalin’s death there were few periods when Beria and Stalin did not meet at least twice a week—and often daily. At first the meetings lasted less than an hour but by spring 1939 the two were talking for two hours at a time. In 1940, Beria was sometimes closeted with Stalin from 6:00 p.m. until 5:00 the next morning. Even after 1949, when Stalin was seventy and saw fewer people for less time, Beria usually visited weekly for two hours.
Beria’s first task was to purge the NKVD of Ezhov’s appointments and the remnants of Iagoda’s men. From September 1938 to February 1939 ninety-seven NKVD bosses were arrested, as many as in the whole two years of Ezhov’s rule. Most were shot in 1939, well before Ezhov died, but some were milked for two years to provide material for future arrests. Among the victims was Beria’s former boss Stanislav Redens. Beria personally signed the warrant. Vacancies were filled by Beria’s own men.