Читаем The Great Events by Famous Historians полностью

These citations from the revered classics should be sufficient to prove that the people of China are not necessarily cutting themselves adrift from the traditions of ages and the teachings of their philosophers when they rise in their might to overthrow an incompetent dynasty. For it can not be denied that China has known little prosperity under the later rulers of the Manchu line, and when the revolutionary leaders declared that the reigning house had forfeited the T'ien-ming we must admit that they had ample justification for their belief that such was the case. But many Western friends of China, while fully recognizing the right of the people to remove the Manchus, entertain very grave doubts as to the wisdom of abolishing the monarchy altogether and the establishment of a republican government in its stead. The T'ien-ming has always passed from dynasty to dynasty, never from dynasty to people. From the remotest days of which we have record, the Chinese system of government has been monarchic. If the revolutionaries can break tradition to the extent of abolishing the imperial dignity, what guaranty have we that they will not break with tradition in every other respect as well, and so destroy the foundations on which the whole edifice of China's social, political, and religious life has rested through all the centuries of her known history?

Whether the Chinese people—as distinct from a few foreign-educated reformers—do, as a matter of fact, honestly believe that a republican government is adapted to the needs of the country, is a very different question. It certainly has not been proved that "the whole nation is now inclined toward a republic"—in spite of the admission to that effect contained in the imperial Edict of abdication. Perhaps it would be nearer the truth to say that the overwhelming majority of the people of China have not the slightest idea what a republic means, and how their lives and fortunes will be affected by its establishment, and therefore hold no strong opinions concerning the advantages or disadvantages of republican government.

It can not be denied, however, that the social system under which the Chinese people have lived for untold ages has in some ways made them more fit for self-government than any other people in the world. It would be well if Europeans—and especially Englishmen—would try to rid themselves of the obsolete notion that every Oriental race, as such, is only fit for a despotic form of government. Perhaps only those who have lived in the interior of China and know something of the organization of family and village, township and clan, are able to realize to how great an extent the Chinese have already learned the arts of self-government. It was not without reason that a Western authority (writing before the outbreak of the revolution) described China as "the greatest republic the world has ever seen."

The momentous Edict in which the Manchu house signed away its imperial heritage was issued on the twelfth day of February, 1912. It contains many noteworthy features, but the words which are of special interest from the constitutional point of view I translate as follows: "The whole nation is now inclined toward a republican form of government. The southern and central provinces first gave clear evidence of this inclination, and the military leaders of the northern provinces have since promised their support in the same cause. By observing the nature of the people's aspirations we learn the Will of Heaven (T'ien-ming). It is not fitting that We should withstand the desires of the nation merely for the sake of the glorification of Our own House. We recognize the signs of the age, and We have tested the trend of popular opinion; and We now, with the Emperor at Our side, invest the Nation with the Sovereign Power and decree the establishment of a constitutional government on a republican basis. In coming to this decision, We are actuated not only by a hope to bring solace to Our subjects, who long for the cessation of political tumult, but also by a desire to follow the precepts of the Sages of old who taught that political sovereignty rests ultimately with the people."

Such was the dignified and yet pathetic swan-song of the dying Manchu dynasty. Whatever our political sympathies may be, we are not obliged to withhold our tribute of compassion for the sudden and startling collapse of a dynasty that has ruled China—not always inefficiently—for the last two hundred and sixty-seven years.

Перейти на страницу:

Похожие книги

1939: последние недели мира.
1939: последние недели мира.

Отстоять мир – нет более важной задачи в международном плане для нашей партии, нашего народа, да и для всего человечества, отметил Л.И. Брежнев на XXVI съезде КПСС. Огромное значение для мобилизации прогрессивных сил на борьбу за упрочение мира и избавление народов от угрозы ядерной катастрофы имеет изучение причин возникновения второй мировой войны. Она подготовлялась империалистами всех стран и была развязана фашистской Германией.Известный ученый-международник, доктор исторических наук И. Овсяный на основе в прошлом совершенно секретных документов империалистических правительств и их разведок, обширной мемуарной литературы рассказывает в художественно-документальных очерках о сложных политических интригах буржуазной дипломатии в последние недели мира, которые во многом способствовали развязыванию второй мировой войны.

Игорь Дмитриевич Овсяный

История / Политика / Образование и наука
Лжеправители
Лжеправители

Власть притягивает людей как магнит, манит их невероятными возможностями и, как это ни печально, зачастую заставляет забывать об ответственности, которая из власти же и проистекает. Вероятно, именно поэтому, когда представляется даже малейшая возможность заполучить власть, многие идут на это, используя любые средства и даже проливая кровь – чаще чужую, но иногда и свою собственную. Так появляются лжеправители и самозванцы, претендующие на власть без каких бы то ни было оснований. При этом некоторые из них – например, Хоремхеб или Исэ Синкуро, – придя к власти далеко не праведным путем, становятся не самыми худшими из правителей, и память о них еще долго хранят благодарные подданные.Но большинство самозванцев, претендуя на власть, заботятся только о собственной выгоде, мечтая о богатстве и почестях или, на худой конец, рассчитывая хотя бы привлечь к себе внимание, как делали многочисленные лже-Людовики XVII или лже-Романовы. В любом случае, самозванство – это любопытный психологический феномен, поэтому даже в XXI веке оно вызывает пристальный интерес.

Анна Владимировна Корниенко

История / Политика / Образование и наука