40 лет Санкт-Петербургской типологической школе

Although these two forms may appear in the same context, each has its own meaning: (9a) denotes a resultative state as defined above; it permits therefore to draw attention to the patient and to the characteristic which is attributed to it by the passive predicate; if the verbal form is a reminder of the implied event, it is in order to signify that at its origin is an agent. On the contrary, (9b) is an overt expression of the perfect; it denotes a resultant state: that is, a state which is brought about by an event and which is contiguous to this event.

2. On the «actional» meaning of constructions with — n/-t

It has often been pointed out that the periphrastic passive tends to be constructed with a perfective past participle, whereas the reflexive passive tends to use the imperfective form. On this subject Siewierska [1988: 247] notes that in Slavic languages, with the exception of Polish, the periphrastic passive including an imperfective participle rarely appears, and quotes Czech and Serbo-Croatian where the constructions are said to be used mainly in scientific texts. This affirmation is not wholly justified. In Russian, the contrast is not any clearer: the constructions with an imperfective past passive participle are sporadically attested [Maslov 1988; Poupynin 1996: 131] and are subject to strong lexical, syntactic and contextual constraints; they are allowed in varying degrees in Czech, Serbo-Croatian, Polish, and above all Bulgarian.

The «be»-perfective passive is claimed to convey both the meaning of a state resulting from a previous action and that of an action. The main argument for justifying such an analysis comes from a distributional property of the form, founded upon the compatibility of the perfective form with localisation markers. According to Khra-kovskij [1991; 151–154] and Knjazev [1988:350–351], the actional passive is compatible with time adverbials and adverbial phrases which are precise indications of the temporal interval relative to the preceding event and place markers ((10), (11)) whereas the resultative state is compatible with those which mark duration (12) or iterativity.

Bulgarian

(10) Navremeto toj bil izpraten ot vujčo si <…> da

at time.the he was send.PPP.SG.M of uncle REFL.DAT DA

sledva v Moskva

study.PRES-3SG in Moscow

«At that time, he was sent by his uncle to study in Moscow».

Russian (quoted by [Knjazev 1988: 351])

(11) Vsesteny, bojnicy, kryšy,<…> v sčitannye sekundy byli all walls loop.holes roofs in count.PF.PPP seconds were zapolneny soldatami i kazakami

occupy.PF.PPP soldiers.INSTR and Cossacks.INSTR

«Within a few seconds all the walls, loop-holes, roofs, minaret balconies and even the dome of the mosque had been occupied by soldiers and Cossacks».

(12) Vsego 45 minut by I vključe-n teleskop,

in total 45 minutes was switch.on.PF-PPP telescope

a podgotovka к eksperimentu potrebovala vos'mi časov.

«It was only for 45 minutes that the telescope was switched on, whereas the preparation for the experiment had taken about eight hours».

It is well known that Polish is the only Slavic language which has two auxiliaries to form the periphrastic passive voice: the zostać passive which imposes a perfective participle and whose meaning is characterised as «actional», and the «be»-passive, which allows both the perfective participle and the imperfective and which, depending on the context, may take on either a so-called stative meaning or a so-called actional meaning: