Читаем Kluge: The Haphazard Construction of the Human Mind (Houghton Mifflin; 2008) полностью

thrus, no lifetime commitment required. Words would be systematically related to one another, and phonemes consistently pronounced. You could tell all those voice-activated telephone menu systems exactly where you wanted them to go — and be assured they'd understand the message. There would be no ambiguity, no senseless irregularity. People would say what they mean and mean what they say. But instead, we have slippage. Our thoughts get stuck on the tip of the tongue when we can't recall a specific word. Grammar ties us in knots (is it The keys to the cabinet are... or The keys to the cabinet is... Oh never mind ...) . Syntax on the fly is hard.

This is not to say that language is terrible, only that it could, with forethought, have been even better.

The rampant confusion that characterizes language is not, however, without its logic: the logic of evolution. We co-articulate, producing speech sounds differently, depending on the context, because we produce sound not by running a string of bits through a digital amplifier to electromagnetically driven speakers but by thrashing our tongues around three-dimensional cavities that originated as channels for digestion, not communication. Then, as She sells seashells by the seashore, our tortured tongues totally trip. Why? Because language was built, rapidly, on a haphazard patchwork of mechanisms that originally evolved for other purposes.

6

PLEASu RE

Happiness is a warm puppy.

— CHARLIE BROWN

Happiness is a warm gun.

— THE BEATLES

To each his own.

— Traditional saying

WOE BETIDE THE HUMAN BEING who doesn't know what happiness is; yet woe to the writer who tries to define it. Warm guns and warm puppies are merely examples of happiness, not definitions of it.

My dictionary defines happiness as "pleasure" — and pleasure as a feeling of "happy satisfaction and enjoyment." As if that weren't circular enough, when I turn to the word feeling, I find that a feeling is defined as "a perceived emotion" while an emotion is defined as a "strong feeling."

No matter. As the Supreme Court justice Potter Stewart famously said about pornography (as opposed to art), it is hard to define, but "I know it when I see it." Happiness may mean sex, drugs, and rock-and-roll, the roar of the crowd, the satisfaction of a job well done, good food, good drink, and good conversation — not to mention what psychologist Mihaly Csikszentmihalyi calls a state of "flow," of being so absorbed in something you do well that you scarcely notice the passage of time. At the risk of offending hard-nosed philosophers everywhere, I propose to leave it at that. For my money, the real question is not how we define happiness, but why, from the perspective of evolution, humans care about it at all.

At first glance, the answer seems obvious. The standard story is that happiness evolved in part to guide our behavior. In the words of the noted evolutionary psychologist Randolph Nesse, "Our brains could have been wired so that [eating] good food, [having] sex, being the object of admiration, and observing the success of one's children were all aversive experiences [but] any ancestor whose brain was so wired would probably not have contributed much to the gene pool that makes human nature what it is now." Pleasure is our guide, as Freud (and long before him, Aristotle) noted, and without it, the species wouldn't propagate.*

That much seems true. In keeping with the notion that pleasure serves as our guide, we automatically (and often unconsciously) sort just about everything we see into the categories "pleasant" and "unpleasant." If I show you a word like sunshine and then ask you to decide, as quickly as possible, whether the word wonderful is positive, you'll respond faster than you would if shown an unpleasant word instead (say, poison instead of sunshine). Cognitive psychologists call this accelerated response a positive priming effect; it means that we constantly and automatically categorize everything we encounter as good or bad.

This sort of automatic evaluation, largely the domain of the reflexive system, is remarkably sophisticated. Take, for example, the word water; is it pleasant? Depends on how thirsty you are. And sure enough, studies show that thirsty people show a bigger positive prim

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Труд известного теоретика и организатора анархизма Петра Алексеевича Кропоткина. После 1917 года печатался лишь фрагментарно в нескольких сборниках, в частности, в книге "Анархия".В области биологии идеи Кропоткина о взаимопомощи как факторе эволюции, об отсутствии внутривидовой борьбы представляли собой развитие одного из важных направлений дарвинизма. Свое учение о взаимной помощи и поддержке, об отсутствии внутривидовой борьбы Кропоткин перенес и на общественную жизнь. Наряду с этим он признавал, что как биологическая, так и социальная жизнь проникнута началом борьбы. Но социальная борьба плодотворна и прогрессивна только тогда, когда она помогает возникновению новых форм, основанных на принципах справедливости и солидарности. Сформулированный ученым закон взаимной помощи лег в основу его этического учения, которое он развил в своем незавершенном труде "Этика".

Петр Алексеевич Кропоткин

Биология, биофизика, биохимия / Политика / Биология / Образование и наука / Культурология