RETURNING TO FLORENCE in 1397, Giovanni di Bicci put 5,500 florins into his new bank. Already he had at least doubled the 1,500 his wife brought him eight years earlier. The other partners were Benedetto di Lippaccio of the famous Bardi family, who was already working with Giovanni in Rome — he brought 2,000 florins — and Gentile di Baldassarre Boni, who added 2,500 to make 10,000 in all. Things got off to a bad start. Gentile Boni pulled out after a few months, taking his capital with him. Mistake. While his ex-partners grew rich, he would end his life in a debtors’ prison. Giovanni increased his capital contribution to 6,000 florins to bring the total to 8,000, and after paying rent and salaries and setting aside a reserve for bad debts, the company got through its first eighteen months with a modest profit of 1,200 florins, 10 percent annually, on the nail.
Over the next twenty-three years, up to Giovanni’s retirement in 1420, the bank as a whole would make total profits of 152,820 florins (6,644 p.a.). Giovanni took three-quarters. From 1420 to the next reorganization in 1435, during which time the partners were Cosimo de’ Medici, his brother Lorenzo, and Benedetto de’ Bardi’s brother Ilarione, profits were 186,382 florins (11,648 p.a.). The Medici took two-thirds. From 1435 to 1450, when the bank was in its heyday, profits were 290,791 florins (19,386 p.a.). The Medici, with new partners now, took 70 percent. Keep firmly in mind that a respectable
How was this done, given that it was forbidden to lend money at an interest? Like all major banks at the time, the Medici were merchants as well as bankers. They would procure goods abroad for rich clients: tapestries, wall hangings, painted panels, chandeliers, manuscript books, silverware, jewels, slaves. They would speculate, buying shiploads of alum (for the textile business) or wool or spices or almonds or silks, moving them from southern to northern Europe, or vice versa, and selling at a higher price.
There was a risk involved. A buyer wouldn’t give you a florin until he’d seen the goods. Demand and prices swung alarmingly, depending on how many merchants had sensed a particular gap in the market. A lot could happen in the months it took a Florentine galley to sail and row west from Pisa across the Mediterranean, through the Strait of Gibraltar into the Atlantic, then north up the Portuguese, Spanish, and French coasts, east to Bruges, and finally across the English Channel to London. Perhaps there were no customers by the time you arrived. Ships could sink, especially the newer, so-called round ships, which were all sail. The bellying sail became an image of chance. The goddess of fortune stood blindfolded at the mast. In short, the cargoes had to be insured. Groups of banks would get together to underwrite eventual losses. “May God and fortune be our aid,” implored the shipping documents.
The merchants reacted to risk by spreading investments over a wide variety of goods and customers. Every bank had its warehouse. Along with the raw silks and wool and linen, an inventory in the Medici’s Florence warehouse in 1427 lists “
By the art of exchange.
A man comes to our green-covered table in Florence, in Rome, or after 1400 it might be Naples, after 1402 Venice. He wants money. He is a merchant most probably, in any event credit-worthy, otherwise we won’t deal with him. He wants, say, 1,000 florins. Why should we give it to him, if we can’t ask for interest? He isn’t a friend or relative. He offers us an exchange deal. He will take the florins and repay us in pounds sterling, in London. No harm in that. The cashier consults with the branch director. Depending on the conditions of his contract, the director may have to write to the head office. But eventually the money is brought from the strongbox. In return, the merchant — or he might be a magistrate — writes us a
In the year of our Lord 1417 June 15, in Florence,
1000 Florins.
Pay