Malthus sees the inability of Spanish America and British Ireland to cope with ‘indolence’ as a vicious circle. By the end of the nineteenth century, a similar conflict between ‘indolent smallholdings’ that survived on potatoes and grain trading enterprises arose again in eastern Prussia and western Poland. The German colonisers considered the Slav villages unproductive; disposing of state aid, the settlers exploited or ousted the Polish peasants just as the English had done to the Irish. The young sociologist Max Weber provided the scientific justification for this ‘internal colonisation’ (as this process was called by the Prussians). His early writings contained racist constructions along the lines of Slav indolence. 12
A less gifted writer than Hume or Smith, Malthus had broader historic experience. The further the reader delves into
In his appreciation of Malthus, Keynes compared him to Ricardo, whose formal laws of price formation defined the future of economics. With no hesitation, Keynes preferred the ‘vaguer intuitions of Malthus’ to Ricardo’s simplifying analytics: ‘by taking up the tale much nearer its conclusion, [Malthus] had a firmer hold on what may be expected in the real world.’ While Ricardo constrained economics ‘in an artificial groove’, wrote Keynes, Malthus had ‘disclosed a Devil’ of critical thought. Economic theories had practical consequences. ‘If only Malthus, instead of Ricardo, had been the parent stem from which nineteenth-century economics proceeded, what a much wiser and richer place the world would be to-day!’ 14
Refuting Malthus’s predictions, the aggregate product of the fields, mines and colonies of the British Empire grew so rapidly that it far outstripped the population’s growth. The main source of this development was coal. When Malthus wrote his