США и борьба Латинской Америки за независимость, 1815—1830

The public movement in support of “South brethren” was rather influential and may be compared with “Philhellenism” of 1820s. Enthusiasts tried to promote the diplomatic recognition of Spanish colonies and expressed confidence of brilliant prospects for both new Latin American states and of Pana-merican unity politics. The development of such views was also fostered by communication with outstanding emigrants from Latin America, first and foremost, with Manuel Torres who resided in Philadelphia.

Among the most active participants of this unofficial movement were Henry Clay and his several Kentuckian countrymen, Caesar Rodney (Delaware), Head of the Patent Office William Thornton, journalists William Duane, Hezekiah Niles, Thomas Ritchie, writer and lawyer Henry Brackenridge.

The circle of the Chilean general Jose Miguel Carrera’s supporters stood alone and included politician and diplomat Joel Roberts Poinsett, Commodore David Porter, Maryland Judge Theodorick Bland, his son-in-law public official and publisher John Skinner, journalist Baptis Irvine. The network of Latin American revolutions enthusiasts was especially strong in Philadelphia (a cosmopolitan city with radical traditions) and in Baltimore where privateering against Spain and Portugal provided ample income for mariners unemployed after the end of the Napoleonic wars.

Creole patriots generally enjoyed the sympathies of North Americans who treated the struggles of Spanish colonies as a logical result of their own revolution, but were slow to help southern neighbors. Despite their many conversations with Latin American emissaries, James Monroe and John Quincy Adams did not promote diplomatic recognition. Attempts to organize liberation expeditions from the U.S. territory always failed and consequently injured the image of Spanish American revolutions.

Even Henry Clay who called for recognition of the independence of “South brethren” and United States leadership in the republican Hemisphere never hinted at the possibility of the military support for Latin America. Thus, he was remaining within the neutrality course in its wider construction.

And sympathies did not exclude doubts. Classical republicanism (which underlined civil virtue) and liberalism (with its belief in progress and human capability to correct vices) bore both hopes and skepticism: would the Spanish Americans burdened by colonial heritage be ready for freedom?

The “Western Hemisphere idea” (Arthur P. Whitaker s term), which juxtaposed republican New World with monarchical Europe and stressed the unity of both Americas, became an optimistic answer to this question. This early Panamericanism stems from Thomas Jefferson and was developed by Henry Marie Brackenridge and Henry Clay. Underlining the common features in New World development, politicians and pamphletists were stressing the unity of both Americas, destined to become a bulwark of freedom in the world. This idea was crowned by the international aspect of Clay s “American system” (1821) – a huge temptation of Western hemisphere republican unity as counter-balance to the European monarchical Holy Alliance.

Alas, the “Western Hemisphere idea” often contradicted the factional strifes among revolutionaries themselves. The best example is provided by the activities of Jose Miguel Carrera and his “party” which split the South American commission of 1817–1818 and weakened the positions of “South brethren” in the United States. Evidently, though the Creole revolutionaries liked to employ the “Western Hemisphere idea” notions, they would have never accepted Henry Clay s 1821–1824 plan of the Panamerican union under the aegis of the United States.

The Congress loyal to the Monroe administration did not support Clay’s radical proposals, but the debates on his motions were fruitful. These discussions contributed to the Monroe Doctrine – a generalized expression of shared ideas about the goals of United States diplomacy. The development of the “natural borders” theory represented a step towards the “Manifest Destiny” of 1840s.

The ratification of the Transcontinental treaty and the annexation of Florida opened the way to the diplomatic recognition of former Spanish colonies. After 1821 Adams chose not to worry about Spains reaction. Clays radical program only contributed to the ratification of the Transcontinental Treaty by pressuring Spain. In the final account the opponents Clay and Adams did not contradict each other; both of them were promoting the common cause (the growth of U.S. territory and power) which conditioned the inner logic of their rapprochement in 1824.

2) The next stage encompasses 1822 – early 1826 (from the recognition of Latin American nations to the Panama debates). This comprised a temporary flourishing of the “Western Hemisphere idea” triumph and the peak of enthusiasm towards the southern neighbors. The recognition of the Latin American nations was universally supported.