Читаем Summerfolk полностью

Although Russians did not have the luxury of social indifference and the corresponding strategies of conflict avoidance, it could hardly be said that post-Soviet dacha settlements lacked a moral order of any kind. Geographical mobility was much more limited than in the United States, and for this reason Russians were drawn into long-term close-quarters relations with their dacha neighbors. Russians were denied the privacy afforded by the suburban crabgrass frontier; building and maintaining a dacha was, on the contrary, a very public (and generally prolonged) affair that drew people willy-nilly into new social networks. The result was that Soviet traditions of mutual aid in defiance of public administration and systems of distribution—the proverbial blat—lived on, even under newly monetarized post-Soviet conditions.

Similarly, a number of Soviet/Russian social identities persisted in adapted or attenuated form. The dacha (read: garden plot) explosion became truly a movement, with its own public profile, set of values, and subcultures; besides numerous publications, it had its own TV program, titled 600 Square Meters. Physical toil was the moral centerpiece of all this publicity. The emphasis was placed on “healthy peasant physical labor,” on the virtues of “cultivating one’s own garden” and thereby achieving a self-sufficiency rooted in the soil and invulnerable to political or social upheaval.68 One of my informants expressed a complementary but much less sympathetic view by as she reflected on the Russians’ apparent magnetic attraction to the soil in the late Soviet and post-Soviet periods:

Of course people are drawn to the soil. Of course there is something of a hobby and something of an adventure about it. But. . . ?! The best answer to this question I heard from my father-in-law. He made out that everyone wants to show their neighbors how well they can work. In other words, it’s “Labor is a matter of honor, glory, valor, and heroism” all over again. But [you might think that] at the factory there is ample opportunity for this kind of activity! And everyone sees how everyone else works. But it turns out that this is something quite different. No one envies someone who fulfills or overfiilfills the production plan. But a good harvest of cherries, for example, can make your neighbor burst with envy. It’s not even material envy, but [a sense of] their own imperfection.

Whatever role we ascribe to Soviet conditioning in the behavior of contemporary dachniki, they certainly seem to derive a positive self-image from purposeful and productive cultivation of their garden plots. In Russians’ pronouncements on their dachas one can often sense an undercurrent of national identification, a worldview expressed approximately by the phrase “We may be poor, but. . .”69 The dacha is presented as something quintessentially Russian, less luxurious and spacious than the vacation homes of Americans or Western Europeans but more authentically rural and representative of Russians’ inborn bond with the soil and appetite for hard physical work. At the same time, the dacha is conceived of as meeting a universal human impulse to flee the city and work the land. Here the West may figure in people’s discourse as supporting comparative material:

Let’s take a look at a country like England that is conservative, traditional, but conservative in the good sense. And what do we see? What did all political figures dream of, take Churchill, take who you like. What did they dream of doing when they got to have a rest, I mean when they retired? And what about our beloved Sherlock Holmes, what did he end up doing at the end of his life? They all dreamed of one and the same thing: to grow roses on their own plot of land.70

The dacha thus offers the opportunity for rest as opposed to mere lounging about (rasslabukha) or, more precisely, for “active leisure” (aktivnyi otdykh): judging by the frequency of its occurrence in my interviews, this term, born of the Soviet sociology of leisure, seems to have put down roots in the collective mentality.

Перейти на страницу:

Похожие книги

Косьбы и судьбы
Косьбы и судьбы

Простые житейские положения достаточно парадоксальны, чтобы запустить философский выбор. Как учебный (!) пример предлагается расследовать философскую проблему, перед которой пасовали последние сто пятьдесят лет все интеллектуалы мира – обнаружить и решить загадку Льва Толстого. Читатель убеждается, что правильно расположенное сознание не только даёт единственно верный ответ, но и открывает сундуки самого злободневного смысла, возможности чего он и не подозревал. Читатель сам должен решить – убеждают ли его представленные факты и ход доказательства. Как отличить действительную закономерность от подтасовки даже верных фактов? Ключ прилагается.Автор хочет напомнить, что мудрость не имеет никакого отношения к формальному образованию, но стремится к просвещению. Даже опыт значим только количеством жизненных задач, которые берётся решать самостоятельно любой человек, а, значит, даже возраст уступит пытливости.Отдельно – поклонникам детектива: «Запутанная история?», – да! «Врёт, как свидетель?», – да! Если учитывать, что свидетель излагает события исключительно в меру своего понимания и дело сыщика увидеть за его словами объективные факты. Очные ставки? – неоднократно! Полагаете, что дело не закрыто? Тогда, документы, – на стол! Свидетелей – в зал суда! Досужие личные мнения не принимаются.

Ст. Кущёв

Культурология