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After Tsviahel the landscape changed completely. Now it was the Ukrainian steppe, an immense undulating prairie, intensively cultivated. In the fields of grain the poppies had just died, but the rye and barley were ripening, and for kilometers on end, the sunflowers, raised toward the sky, tracked the wave of the sun. Here and there, as if thrown haphazardly, a line of isbas in the shade of acacia trees or little groves of oak, maple, and ash broke the dazzling perspectives. The country paths were bordered with lindens, the rivers with aspen and willow; in the towns they had planted chestnut trees along the boulevards. Our maps turned out to be completely inadequate: roads marked did not exist or had disappeared; yet sometimes where an empty steppe was indicated, our patrols discovered kolkhozes and vast fields of cotton, melons, beets; and tiny municipalities had become developed industrial centers. On the other hand, whereas Galicia had fallen almost intact into our hands, here, the Red Army had applied on its retreat a policy of systematic destruction. Villages, fields were burning; we found the wells dynamited or filled in, the roads mined, the buildings booby-trapped; in the kolkhozes there were still livestock, poultry, and women, but the men and the horses had left; in Zhitomir, they had burned everything they could: fortunately, a number of houses remained standing among the smoking ruins. The city was still under Hungarian control, and Callsen was furious: “Their officers treat the Jews like friends, they have dinner with the Jews!” Bohr, another officer, went on: “Apparently some of the officers are Jewish themselves. Can you imagine? Allies of Germany! I don’t even dare shake their hands anymore.” The inhabitants had received us well, but complained about the Honvéd advance into Ukrainian territory: “The Germans are our historic friends,” they said. “The Magyars just want to annex us.” These tensions broke out daily in countless incidents. A company of sappers had killed two Hungarians; one of our generals had to go apologize. For their part, the Honvéd were blocking the work of our local policemen, and the Vorkommando was forced to lodge a complaint, via the Gruppenstab, with the HQ of the Army Group, the OKHG South. Finally, on July 15, the Hungarians were relieved and AOK 6 took over Zhitomir, followed soon after by our Kommando as well as Gruppenstab C. In the meantime, I had been sent back to Tsviahel as a liaison officer. The Teilkommandos under Callsen, Hans and Janssen, had each been assigned a sector, radiating out almost up to the front, blocked in front of Kiev; to the south, our zone reached that of Ek 5, so operations had to be coordinated, since each Teilkommando functioned autonomously. This is how I found myself with Janssen in the region between Tsviahel and Rovno, on the border with Galicia. The brief summer storms were turning more and more often into showers, transforming the loess dust, fine as flour, into a sticky mud, thick and black, that the soldiers called buna. Endless stretches of swamp formed then, where the corpses and carcasses of horses scattered by the fighting slowly decomposed. Men were succumbing to endless diarrhea, and lice were making their appearance; even the trucks were getting stuck, and it was becoming increasingly difficult to move around. To help the Kommandos, we were recruiting many Ukrainian auxiliaries, nicknamed “Askaris” by the old Africa hands; they were financed by the local municipalities using confiscated Jewish funds. Many of them were Bulbovitsi, those Volhynian extremists Oberländer talked about (they took their name from Taras Bulba): after the liquidation of the OUN-B, they had been given the choice between a German uniform or the camps; most had melted back into the population, but some had come to sign up. Farther up north, on the other hand, between Pinsk, Mozyr, and Olevsk, the Wehrmacht had allowed a “Ukrainian Republic of Polesia” to be established, headed by a certain Taras Borovets, erstwhile proprietor of a quarry in Kostopol nationalized by the Bolsheviks; he hunted down isolated units of the Red Army and Polish partisans, and that freed more troops for us, so in exchange we tolerated him; but the Einsatzgruppe worried that he was protecting hostile elements of the OUN-B, the ones whom people jokingly called “OUN (Bolshevik)” in contrast to the “Mensheviks” of Melnyk. We also recruited the Volksdeutschen we found in the communities, to serve as mayors or policemen. The Jews, almost everywhere, had been conscripted into forced labor; and we were beginning systematically to shoot the ones who didn’t work. But on the Ukrainian side of the Sbrutch, our actions were often frustrated by the apathy of the local population, which did not inform on the movements of the Jews: the Jews took advantage of this to move around illegally, hiding in the forests to the North. Our Brigadeführer, Rasch, gave the order then to have the Jews parade in public before executions, in order to destroy in the eyes of the Ukrainian peasants the myth of Jewish political power. But such measures didn’t seem to have much effect.

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