44 Ibid.
, pp. 87–93, 160-3, 176-80, 197, 223.45 Ibid.
, p. 100.46 Ibid.
, pp. 283, 285.47 Ibid.
, pp. 52, 58, 59; and cf. p. 26848 Ibid.
, p. 41.49 Ibid.
, p. 43.50 Ibid.
, p. 132.CHAPTER SEVEN: THREE FORGERIES AND ANOTHER WRONG TRACK
— 1 —
1 W. G. Soldan, Geschichte der Hexenprocesse
, Stuttgart and Tübingen, 1843, pp. 180, 186-7, 189.2 J. Hansen, Zauberwahn, Inquisition und Hexenprozess im Mittelalter und die Entstchung der grossen Hexenverfolgung
, Munich and Leipzig, 1900, pp. 309, 315-17, 326, 335, 337.3 Hansen, op. cit.
, pp. 309-10. The other references to Angela de la Barthe are at pp. 188, 234.4 E.-L. de Lamothe-Langon, Histoire de l’inquisition en France
, vol. II, Paris, 1829, pp. 614-15.5 T. Bouges, Histoire ecclésiastique et civile de la ville et diocèse de Carcassonne
, Paris, 1741, pp. 200-1.6 D. de Vic and J. Vaissete, Histoire générale de Languedoc
, vol. IV, Paris, 1742, Avertissement, p. v. The text of the “chronicle of Bardin” is in the Preuves, at cols. 2-47. For Molinier’s comments see the new edition, vol. X, Toulouse, 1885, Notes, cols. 424-36.7 He gives the source himself: J. J. Percin, Monumenta conventus Tolosani Ordinis FF. Praedicatorum
, Toulouse, 1693, p. 109.8 Cf. Vic and Vaissete, op. cit.
, Preuves, col. 5. Percin’s history makes no mention of the trial of Angela de la Barthe in its section on the inquisitors of Toulouse.9 Cf. Vic and Vaissete, op. cit.
, col. 18.10 Ibid.
, cols. 17–18.11 Biographie toulousaine
, vol. I, Paris, 1823, pp. 400-1.12 Hansen, Zauberwahn
, pp. 315-30.13 Hansen, Quellen und Untersuchungen zur Geschichte des Hexenwahns und der Hexenverfolgung im Mittelalter
, Bonn, 1901, pp. 450-3.14 Lamothe-Langon, op. cit.
, vol. III, pp. 235-40.15 That Pierre Guidonis was inquisitor at Toulouse in 1344 is stated in J. Quétif and J. Echard, Scriptores Ordinis Praedicatorum
, vol. I, Paris, 1719, p. 625, on the strength of a single phrase in a single manuscript. M. J. C. Douais repeated it in Les frères prêcheurs en Gascogne au xiiie et an xive siècle, Auch, 1885, p. 453; but he omitted the name from the list of inquisitors (which includes those only rarely mentioned in documents) in his later work, Documents pour servir à l’histoire de l’Inquisition dans le Languedoc, Paris, 1900, pp. cxxx-cxxxiv.16 For the list of capitouls: G. La Faille, Annales de la Ville de Toulouse
, vol. I, p. 73, Toulouse, 1687; A. L. C. A. Du Mège, Histoire des Institutions... de Toulouse, vol. II, Toulouse, 1844, p. 45. Cf. E. Roschach, “Les listes municipales de Toulouse du xiie au xviiie siècle”, in Mémoires de l’Académie des Sciences... de Toulouse, 8th series, vol. VII (1885), pp. 1-22.17 Lamothe-Langon, op. cit.
, vol. III, p. 226.18 For the letter of John XXII to the inquisitors: Hansen, Quellen
, pp. 4–5. For the background of the papal intervention: Anneliese Maier, “Eine Verfügung Johannes XXII. Über die Zuständigkeit des Inquisition fur Zaubereiprozesse”, in Archivum Fratrum Praedicatorum, vol. XXII, Rome, 1952, pp. 226-46.19 Bernard Gui, Manuel de l’lnquisiteur
, ed. G. Mollat, 2 vols., Paris, 1926-7. What magic meant to an inquisitor at that time is shown at pp. 20-4 of vol. II. The sentences of Guidonis himself, as given in the Liber Sententiarum Inquisitionis Tholosanae in Philip Limborch’s Historia Inquisitionis, Amsterdam, 1692, pp. 394 seq., includes not a single case of magic or sorcery.20 Text in Hansen, Quellen
, pp. 6–7.— 2 —
21 On Lamothe-Langon see R. Switzer, Etienne-Léon de Lamothe-Langon ct le roman populaire français de 1800 a 1830
, Toulouse, 1962; L. de Santi, “Episodes de l’histoire de Toulouse sous le premier Empire”, in Mémoires de l’Académie des Sciences et des Belles-Lettres de Toulouse, 10th series, vol. XII, Toulouse, 1912, pp. 87-100.22 Lamothe-Langon, Histoire de l’Inquisition en France
, vol. I, Preface, pp. xxxiv-xxxv.23 Quoted by de Santi, op. cit.
, p. 88.