This must be done OFF THE RECORD. You explain that:
(a) he is harbouring a grudge against the government
(b) he is a publicity seeker
(c) he’s trying to get his knighthood
(d) he is trying to get his chair
(e) he is trying to get his Vice-Chancellorship
(f) he used to be a consultant to a multinational company
(g) he wants to be a consultant to a multinational company
Today the Propanol plan reached the television news, damn it. Somehow some environmental group got wind of the scheme and a row blew up on Merseyside.
The TV newsreader – or whoever writes what the newsreader reads – didn’t help much either. Though he didn’t say that Propanol was dangerous, he somehow managed to imply it – using loaded words like ‘claim’.
[
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I summoned Humphrey first thing this morning. I pointed out that metadioxin is dynamite.
He answered me that it’s harmless.
I disagreed. ‘It may be harmless chemically,’ I said, ‘but it’s lethal politically.’
‘It can’t hurt anyone,’ he insisted.
I pointed out that it could finish me off.
No sooner had we begun talking than Number Ten was on the phone. The political office. Joan Littler had obviously made sure that Number Ten watched the Nine O’Clock News last night.
I tried to explain that this was merely a little local difficulty, and there were exports and jobs prospects. They asked how many jobs: I had to admit that it was only about ninety – but well-paid jobs, and in an area of high unemployment.
None of this cut any ice with Number Ten – I was talking to the Chief Political Adviser, but doubtless he was acting under orders. There was no point in fighting this particular losing battle with the PM, so I muttered (as Humphrey was listening, and Bernard was probably listening-in) that I was coming round to their point of view,
I rang off. Humphrey was eyeing me with a quizzical air.
‘Humphrey,’ I began carefully, ‘something has just struck me.’
‘I noticed,’ he replied dryly.
I ignored the wisecrack. I pointed out that there were perfectly legitimate arguments against this scheme. A loss of public confidence, for instance.
‘You mean votes,’ he interjected.
I denied it, of course. I explained that I didn’t exactly mean votes. Votes in themselves are not a consideration. But
‘The public,’ said Sir Humphrey, ‘are ignorant and misguided.’
‘What do you mean?’ I demanded. ‘It was the public who elected me.’
There was a pointed silence.
Then Sir Humphrey continued: ‘Minister, in a week it will all have blown over, and in a year’s time there will be a safe and successful factory on Merseyside.’
‘A week is a long time in politics,’ I answered.1
‘A year is a short time in government,’ responded Sir Humphrey.
I began to get cross.
Humphrey then tried to tell me that I was putting party before country. That hoary old cliché again. I told him to find a new one.
Bernard said that a new cliché could perhaps be said to be a contradiction in terms. Thank you, Bernard, for all your help!
I made one more attempt to make Humphrey understand. ‘Humphrey,’ I said, ‘you understand nothing because you lead a sheltered life. I want to survive. I’m not crossing the PM.’
He was very bitter. And very insulting. ‘Must you always be so concerned with climbing the greasy pole?’
I faced the question head on. ‘Humphrey,’ I explained, ‘the greasy pole is important. I have to climb it.’
‘Why?’
‘Because,’ I said, ‘it’s there.’
Today there was an astonishing piece in
I was furious.
I asked Bernard how
‘There’s been a leak, Minister,’ he explained.
The boy’s a fool. Obviously there’s been a leak. The question is, who’s been leaking?
On second thoughts, perhaps he’s not a fool. Perhaps he knows. And can’t or won’t tell.
‘It’s labelled “Confidential”,’ I pointed out.