11. G. V. Plekhanov,
30. Solov'ev,
33. S. B. Veselovskii,
ceeded by new attacks of royal fury and, consequently, new hecatombs of nameless
victims.
34. Solov'ev,
38. Cited in E. V. Tarle,
45. Iu. Samarin, "O mneniiakh
49. Ibid., p. 412; D. S. Likhachev, "Ivan Peresvetov i ego literaturnaia sovremen- nost'," p. 35; I. I. Smirnov, p. 18. Emphasis added.
53. Ibid., p. 71.
68. V. O. Kliuchevskii,
69. V. O. Kliuchevskii,
71. Kliuchevskii,
In nothing else, perhaps, does the dualism of Russian political life appear so strikingly as in the events of the first Time of Troubles, which followed the death of the tyrant and reached its height in the national crisis of 1605-13. And in nothing else has the transfixing of Russian historiography in the hypnosis of the "myth of the state" manifested itself so vividly as in its inability to explain these events. I cannot discuss the Time of Troubles in detail here. Let us merely consider one example.
When the new tsar, Vasilii Shuiskii, ascended the Russian throne on May 19, 1605, the first thing he did was to make a public declaration in the cathedral Church of the Holy Virgin: "I kiss the cross before the whole world that I will take no action against anyone without the approval of the assembly; and that if the father is guilty, I will take no action against the son; and if the son is guilty, no action against the father." One need only remember the
6. Pokrovskii, vol. 1, p. 313.
12. Platonov,
13. Platonov,
14. Platonov,
17. Pokrovskii, vol. 1, pp. 271-73.
18. Ibid., p. 313. 19. Ibid., p. 307.
20. Ibid., pp. 317-18. Emphasis added.
21. Ibid., p. 319.
25. R. Iu. Vipper, p. 3. On the importance of the legitimizing function of historical studies in the Soviet context, Nancy Whittier Heer notes correctly: "Historical writings in the Soviet Union have come to perform vital sociopolitical functions of a degree and scope perhaps unique and certainly beyond those found under other political systems" ("Political Leadership in Soviet Historiography," p. 12).