The Sword and the Shield: The Mitrokhin Archive and the Secret History of the KGB

44. VENONA, 2nd release, part 2, p. 58.

45. Andrew and Gordievsky, KGB, p. 451.

46. vol. 6, ch. 5, part 2.

47. vol. 6, ch. 5, part 2.

48. Akhmerov told the Center in April 1944, “For your information: I have never met RULEVOY [Browder].” VENONA, 3rd release, part 1, pp. 26-8.

49. vol. 6, ch. 5, part 2.

50. Straight, After Long Silence, pp. 167-8.

51. vol. 6, ch. 5, part 2. Fearful that State Department security officers had discovered his earlier connection with Soviet intelligence, Duggan was less forthcoming during the war than he had been earlier. In June 1944 he left the State Department to join the newly founded United Nations Relief and Rehabilitation Administration as diplomatic adviser. Weinstein and Vassiliev, The Haunted Wood, pp. 16-19.

52. vol. 6, ch. 5, part 2.

53. We are indebted for information on Henry Wallace’s plans for Duggan and White to Professor Harvey Klehr.

54. vol. 6, ch. 5, part 2.

55. Bentley, Out of Bondage, pp. 103-4, 115.

56. When Moscow changed control methods later in the War, the New York residency reported to the Center: “In ALBERT [Akhmerov]’s opinion our workers [Soviet intelligence officers] would hardly manage to work with the same success under the FELLOWCOUNTRYMAN [Communist Party] flag. We may possibly set up direct liaison with [members of the Silvermaster group], but it is doubtful whether we could secure from them the same results as ROBERT [Silvermaster], who, constantly dealing with them, has many advantages over us.” The residency also reported that Silvermaster “did not believe in our orthodox methods.” VENONA decrypts, 3rd release, part 3, p. 2.

57. Bentley, Out of Bondage, pp. 68-9, chs. 7, 8. Codenames from vol. 6, ch. 5, part 2 and VENONA decrypts. The sanitized SVR account of Golos’s career makes no reference to his sexual indiscretion. “Russian [intelligence] operatives,” it concludes, “will always honor and take pride in him.” Primakov et al., Ocherki Istorii Rossiyskoy Vneshnei Razvedki, vol. 3, ch. 16.

58. vol. 6, ch. 12. The VENONA decrypts indicate that Belfrage was also codenamed UCN/9.

59. On BSC, see Andrew, For the President’s Eyes Only, pp. 96, 102-3, 127-30.

60. vol. 6, ch. 12. The KGB file noted by Mitrokhin confirms the main features of the account, contested by Belfrage during his lifetime, in Bentley, Out of Bondage, pp. 139-40—notably his espionage links with Golos and with V. J. Jerome, a close associate of Browder.

61. vol. 6, ch. 5, part 2.

62. On the woeful limitations of the intelligence on the Soviet Union available to Roosevelt early in the war, see Andrew, For the President’s Eyes Only, pp. 132-3.

63. Andrew and Gordievsky, KGB, pp. 340-1; Zubok and Pleshakov, Inside the Kremlin’s Cold War, p. 23.

64. vol. 6, ch. 12. Hopkins had been personally briefed by Hoover on Zarubin’s visit to Nelson (Benson and Warner (eds.), VENONA, document 9). Hoover would doubtless have been outraged had he known that Hopkins had informed the Soviet embassy.

65. The source of the information on the talks between Roosevelt and Churchill was codenamed “19”—an example of the Centre’s confusing habit of sometimes recycling the same codename for different people. Laurence Duggan had formerly been codenamed “19,” but by now had the codename FRANK; he cannot, in any case, have provided this information. A detailed, meticulous and persuasive study by Eduard Mark concludes that it is “probable virtually to the point of certainty that Hopkins was 19.” Mark, “Venona’s Source 19 and the ‘Trident’ Conference of 1943.”

66. Andrew, “Anglo-American-Soviet Intelligence Relations,” pp. 125-6. Crozier, Free Agent, pp. 1-2.

67. Hopkin’s efforts to avoid US-Soviet friction also included securing the removal of officials he judged to be anti-Soviet: among them the US ambassador in Moscow, Laurence A. Steinhardt; the military attaché, Major Ivan D. Yeaton; and Loy W. Henderson, head of the Soviet desk in the State Department. When Soviet foreign minister Molotov visited Washington in May 1942, Hopkins took him aside and told him what to say to persuade Roosevelt of the need for an early second front in order to contradict contrary advice from the American military. Andrew and Gordievsky, KGB, pp. 297-300, 341; Mark, “Venona’s Source 19 and the ‘Trident’ Conference of 1943,” p. 20.

68. Bohlen, Witness to History 1919-1969, p. 148.

69. Dilks (ed.), The Diaries of Sir Alexander Cadogan, OM, 1938-1945, p. 582.

70. Cited by Kissinger, Diplomacy, p. 412. On relations between Churchill and Roosevelt at Tehran, see also Kimball, Forged in War, pp. 237-55.

71. Andrew and Gordievsky, KGB, p. 342.