122. Boyes,
123. Szulc,
124. Bernstein and Politi,
125. k-16, 500.
126. Brown,
127. Dobbs,
128. Dobbs,
129. Interview with Shebarshin,
1. Jukes, “The Soviets and ‘Ultra.’” Though Jukes’s conclusions are debatable, his 1988 article remains a pathbreaking study.
2. Kennedy-Pipe,
3. The significance of SIGINT was made clear by David Kahn’s pioneering
4. A growing minority of international relations, history and other departments in British universities now offer courses on intelligence, though on a much smaller scale than in north America. There is a flourishing British Study Group on Intelligence, with a largely academic membership, and an increasing number of similar groups in north America and continental Europe.
5. Orwell,
6. Hosking,
7. Two of the leading historians of the Bolshevik Revolution, Orlando Figes and Richard Pipes, agree on describing the Cheka as “a state within a state.”
8. Volkogonov,
9. Conquest,
10. Ostryakov,
11. k-25, 78. On the punitive use of psychiatry in the Soviet Union, see Bloch and Reddaway,
12. k-25, 79. There is no suggestion in Mitrokhin’s notes that Voloshanovich was working for the KGB.
13. See above, chapter 20.
14. frag. 1,7. Mitrokhin’s notes give no details of the precise charges leveled against Korobov or of the length of his sentence.
15. k-3b, 136.
16. I am grateful to Dr. Clarissa de Waal of Newnham College, Cambridge, for these recollections of Tirana in 1992.
17. A further 3 percent were KGB co-optees.
18. t-7, 284.
19. t-7, 286. The behavior of the informers should not, in most cases, be harshly judged. Those who refused invitations to inform were likely to incur the ill will of the KGB towards themselves and their families.
20. frag. 5, 3.
21. Kalugin,
22. See above, chapter 20.
23. Kissinger subsequently acknowledged that Senator Pat Moynihan had been an exception. “Your crystal ball,” he told him, “was better than mine.” Moynihan,
24. For example, the Russian sections of Eric Hobsbawm’s brilliant history of the twentieth century,
25. There is, however, a one-line reference to Andropov’s subsequent emergence as Soviet leader in Vance’s reflections on the period after his resignation (Vance,
26. Gorbachev, however, acknowledged that, eighteen months or two years earlier, the coup might have succeeded.
27. Remnick,
28. k-13, 268.
29. Kennedy-Pipe,
30. Andrew,
31. Truman,
32.
33. See above, chapter 9.