Читаем The Augustan Empire 43 BC полностью

Antony soon arrived himself from Patrae, and pitched camp near Punta on the southern coast of the bay. Octavian naturally tried to bring him to battle before he could concentrate the rest of his fleet or army; Antony naturally declined. When his troops arrived from their various stations, Antony established a new camp on the northern side of the straits, near Preveza. Only the plain of Nicopolis now separated the two armies, but it was Octavian who refused a land-battle. Antony tried strenuously to cut Octavian off from the river Louros in his rear, vital to his water supply, and there was clearly a series of cavalry battles in the northern plain: the most substantial was won by Statilius Taurus and the renegade Titius, by now one of Octavian's commanders. Then, once again, a contribution of Agrippa was crucial. His fleet took the island of Leucas, just south west of the mouth of the harbour; this afforded Octavian a safer anchorage than Gomaros, and made it difficult for Antony's other scattered ships to reinforce him. A little later Agrippa also took Patrae, where there were still ships, and Corinth. Antony was now under virtual blockade.

The analogy with 48 must again have been felt. This was Dyrrha- chium over again, but the roles were strangely reversed: it was now the eastern force under Antony which, like Caesar then, was cut off on the coast by a stronger army and fleet. Antony naturally thought of breaking out to the interior of Greece: that was what Caesar had done, and had gone on to win at Pharsalus. Octavian had already sent his own men into Greece and Macedonia, while Antony sent Dellius and Amyntas into Macedonia and Thrace303 - to seek mercenaries, according to our source Dio, but probably their brief was a wider one. Soon Antony himself set out to overtake them. While he was away Sosius tried to break out at sea, but was beaten by Agrippa. On his return Antony lost another cavalry battle. By now it looked very bleak. Allied kings had been killed - Bogud of Mauretania at Methone, Tarcondimotus304 with Sosius. Others were

303 Dio l. 15.4. 304 See above, p. 29.

defecting. Deiotarus Philadelphus of Paphlagonia had gone to Octavian some time since, and at some point he was joined by Rhoemetalces of Thrace;[155] now the much more valuable Amyntas went too. That was cheering to Horace,[156] and doubtless to Octavian too. Antony's position was becoming desperate. Provisions were failing: disease was rife - particularly, perhaps, malaria and dysentery, worsened by the shortage of supplies and water. Antony had no option but to withdraw all his troops to the southern bank, but that is even more waterless than the north, and the deaths went on.

Romans too were defecting. The most dispiriting was that of Domitius Ahenobarbus, already mortally ill. Dellius too, notorious for picking the right moment to change sides, realized that it was now: with him he took Antony's battle-plans. Not that they were hard to divine. The break-out to the interior was a serious option, and it seems to have been urged by the land-commander Canidius Crassus. But it would have meant abandoning the fleet; and even if the army could break out to Thessaly, even if Octavian obliged by offering battle there rather than relying on attrition, Antony's army was so wasted by disease that it would barely be able to fight. Realistically, the battle had to be fought at sea. Later romantic fiction would represent this as a crazed decision, influenced by Cleopatra:[157] but that is absurd. Antony had already done all he could on land; only now, in late summer, did he decide that a naval battle was the only option left.[158]

At the outset of the campaign Antony's fleet had outnumbered Octavian's, but Agrippa had destroyed some of his squadrons, while others had been unable to force their way through to join the Actium fleet. And there was a manning problem as well, for death and desertion had reduced Antony's numbers considerably. By now he had no hope at all of matching Octavian's numbers: otherwise, indeed, he would have forced on the sea-battle earlier. He eventually put to sea with perhaps 200 or 250 ships, while Octavian had 400 or more.[159] Antony simply burnt the remainder of his ships: better that than to allow them to fall into Octavian's hands.

Перейти на страницу:

Похожие книги

1917 год. Распад
1917 год. Распад

Фундаментальный труд российского историка О. Р. Айрапетова об участии Российской империи в Первой мировой войне является попыткой объединить анализ внешней, военной, внутренней и экономической политики Российской империи в 1914–1917 годов (до Февральской революции 1917 г.) с учетом предвоенного периода, особенности которого предопределили развитие и формы внешне– и внутриполитических конфликтов в погибшей в 1917 году стране.В четвертом, заключительном томе "1917. Распад" повествуется о взаимосвязи военных и революционных событий в России начала XX века, анализируются результаты свержения монархии и прихода к власти большевиков, повлиявшие на исход и последствия войны.

Олег Рудольфович Айрапетов

Военная документалистика и аналитика / История / Военная документалистика / Образование и наука / Документальное
23 июня. «День М»
23 июня. «День М»

Новая работа популярного историка, прославившегося СЃРІРѕРёРјРё предыдущими сенсационными книгами В«12 июня, или Когда начались Великая отечественная РІРѕР№на?В» и «На мирно спящих аэродромах.В».Продолжение исторических бестселлеров, разошедшихся рекордным тиражом, сравнимым с тиражами книг Виктора Суворова.Масштабное и увлекательное исследование трагических событий лета 1941 года.Привлекая огромное количество подлинных документов того времени, всесторонне проанализировав историю военно-технической подготовки Советского Союза к Большой Р'РѕР№не и предвоенного стратегического планирования, автор РїСЂРёС…РѕРґРёС' к ошеломляющему выводу — в июне 1941 года Гитлер, сам того не ожидая, опередил удар Сталина ровно на один день.«Позвольте выразить Марку Солонину свою признательность, снять шляпу и поклониться до земли этому человеку…Когда я читал его книгу, я понимал чувства Сальери. У меня текли слёзы — я думал: отчего же я РІРѕС' до этого не дошел?.. Мне кажется, что Марк Солонин совершил научный подвиг и то, что он делает, — это золотой РєРёСЂРїРёС‡ в фундамент той истории РІРѕР№РЅС‹, которая когда-нибудь будет написана…»(Р

Марк Семёнович Солонин

История / Образование и наука