7. Christian, Russia, Central Asia and Mongolia,
vol. 1, p. 342; Franklin and Shepard, The Emergence of Rus’, pp. 103-4; O. Pritsak, Origins of Rus’, vol. 1: Old Scandinavian Sources other than the Sagas (Cambridge, Mass., 1981), p. 583.8. I have adapted this passage from the Laurentian Chronicle from the translation in Vernadsky et al., Source Book,
vol. 1, pp. 22-3.9. The account of Olga that precedes and follows is derived from several sources, including Ye. A. Kivlitskii, ‘Sv. Ol’ga [Helen]’, Entsiklopedicheskii slovar’
(Brockhaus-Efron), vol. 21A (St Petersburg, 1897), PP. 910-11, Barford, The Early Slavs, p. 147; Franklin and Shepard, The Emergence of Rus’, pp. 134-9.10. For an account of taxation in Kievan Rus’, see G. Vernadsky, Kievan Russia
(New Haven, 1948, repr. 1973), pp. 190-92.11. I. Dubov, Voprosy istorii,
5 (1990), 15-17, translated in part in D. Kaiser and G. Marker, eds., Reinterpreting Russian History: Readings 860-1862 (New York, 1994), pp. 13-20. Dubov discusses the contributions of Vikings, Slavs and others to the development of society in the forest zone of central Russia.12. See the translated excerpts from Ouranos and Liutprand in D. Geanakoplos, Byzantium: Church Society and Civilization seen through Contemporary Eyes
(Chicago, 1984), pp. 112-13.13. Yngvar’s saga, see Palsson and Edwards, Vikings in Russia,
pp. 52, 55-6.14. Constantine VII, De Administrando Imperio,
section 9.15. See Barford, The Early Slavs,
p. 237.16. Franklin and Shepard, The Emergence of Rus’,
pp. 370—71.17. A. Kazhdan and A. W. Epstein, Change in Byzantine Culture in the Eleventh and Twelfth Centuries
(Berkeley, 1990), p. 81.18. Constantine VII, Le Livre des cérémonies,
ed. A. Vogt (Paris, 1935, 1939-40); Liutprand, Relatio de legatio Constantinopolitana, ed. J. Becker (Hanover and Leipzig, 1915); H. Evand and W. Wixom, eds., The Glory of Byzantium (New York, 1977); A. Kazhdan and M. McCormick, ‘The social world of the Byzantine courts’, in H. Maguire, ed., Byzantine Court Culture from 829 to 1209 (Washington, 1997), pp. 167-98.19. I follow the interpretation in Kivlitskii, ‘Sv. Ol’ga [Helen]’, rather than Franklin and Shepard (The Emergence of Rus’,
p. 137), who think that Olga was seeking legitimation for the new Russia from as many sources as possible. On the question of her baptism see G. Ostrogorsky, History of the Byzantine State (Oxford, 1980), p. 283, n. 1.20. Another translation of this excerpt from the Laurentian Chronicle is to be found in Vernadsky et al., Source Book,
vol. 1, p.25.21. For example, the recurring refrain ‘Dunai, Dunai’ in historical songs about Stepan Razin.
22. Vernadsky, Kievan Russia,
p. 42; Ostrogorsky, History of the Byzantine State, pp. 292-6.23. Franklin and Shepard, The Emergence of Rus’,
p. 163.24. I. Sevcenko, Ukraine between East and West
(Edmonton, 1996).25. G. H. Hamilton, The Art and Architecture of Russia
(Harmondsworth, 1954), pp. 10—14.26. Pritsak, Origins of Rus’,
vol. 1, p. 32.27. F. Dvornik, ‘Byzantine political ideas in Kievan Russia’, Dumbarton Oaks Papers,
9-10 (1956), 76-94.28. F. Dvornik, Byzantine Missions among the Slavs
(New Brunswick, 1970), p. 277.29. See D. Obolensky, ‘Vladimir Monomakh’, in his Six Byzantine Portraits
(Oxford, 1988), pp. 83ff.; Palsson and Edwards, Vikings in Russia, p. 32.30. See J. Fennell, The Crisis of Medieval Russia 1200—1304
(London, 1983), p. 163, on the consequences two and a half centuries later.31. The Laurentian Chronicle, translation adapted from Vernadsky et al., Source Book,
vol. 1, p. 27.32. Obolensky, ‘Vladimir Monomakh’, pp. 83ff.
33. Ibid.
34. See Christian, Russia, Central Asia and Mongolia,
vol. 1, p. 368.35. Fennell, The Crisis of Medieval Russia,
pp. 20, 22.36. S. Belokurov, ed., Snosheniia Rossii s Kavkazom,
Moskovskogo glavnogo arkhiva Ministerstva Inostrannykh Del (now the Russian State Archive), vyp. 1 (Moscow, 1889), pp. iiiff.