Russia

37. F. Dvornik, ‘Byzantine influences in Russia’, in M. Huxley, ed., The Root of Europe (London, 1952), pp. 95-106, and his ‘Byzantine political ideas’ loc. cit.

38. Fennell, The Crisis of Medieval Russia, p. 57.

39. The Novgorod Primary Chronicle as quoted in Fennell, The Crisis of Medieval Russia, p. 74.

40. Well organized in tens, hundreds, thousands, and units of ten thousand, they were well equipped too. Every soldier had two horses and carried an axe, a bow and three quivers full of arrows. Some were more heavily armed and carried armour. They were also well trained: their bows had a range of 300 yards, and they could shoot as they rode. Their discipline was fierce but effective: a man who fled from battle was executed; if a section of ten men fled, the remaining ninety men of their hundred would be slaughtered. See Christian, Russia, Central Asia and Mongolia, vol. 1, pp. 397-415.

41. For a balanced assessment of the Mongol impact, see C. J. Halperin, Russia and the Golden Horde: The Mongol Impact on Russian History (London, 1987).

3: REINCARNATION

1. In his The Crisis of Medieval Russia, John Fennell concludes that this was not an immediate consequence of the invasion. However, by the second half of the thirteenth century Moscow had become the safest part of Rostov-Suzdal and was a magnet for the displaced and vulnerable - see M. Liubavskii, Obrazovanie osnovnoi gosudarstvennoi territorii velikomsskoi narodnosti. Zaseleniia i ob”edieniia tsentra (Moscow, 1929, repr. 1996), p. 33.

2. M. Rywkin, ‘Russian colonial expansion before Ivan the Dread: a survey of basic trends’, Russian Review, 32 (1973), 286—93; also R. Kerner, The Urge to the Sea: The Course of Russian History: The Role of Rivers, Portages, Ostrogs, Monasteries and Furs (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1942), pp. 33—5. Janet Martin’s Treasure of the Land of Darkness: The Fur Trade and its Significance for Medieval Russia (Cambridge, 1986) gives Kerner’s thesis a new twist.

3. A. N. Mouravieff, A History of the Church of Russia, trans. R. W. Blackmore (Oxford 1842), p. 47.

4. See the laudatory account in ibid., pp. 51—6.

5. See the discussion in Halperin, Russia and the Golden Horde.

6. A. A. Gorskii, Russkie zemli v xiii-xiv vekakh: puti politicheskogo razvitiia (Moscow, 1996), pp. 58-62, 66-7, 56.

7. His history of Russian colonization was completed in the early 1930s, but remained unpublished till almost the end of the century — see A. la. Degtarev’s introduction to Liubavskii, Obzor istorii russkoi kolonizatsii (Moscow, 1996).

8. Liubavskii, Obzor, pp. 51-6.

9. See J. Fennell’s The Emergence of Moscow 1304-1359 (London, 1968), passim, for a repeated struggle to extract a credible explanation from the sources. Fennell’s work has contributed much to the account which follows. For a more positive if less painstaking treatment see also N. Borisov, Ivan Kalita (Moscow, 1997).

10. Fennell, The Emergence of Moscow, pp. 4, 90—93.

11. Ibid., p. 112.

12. Borisov, Ivan Kalita, pp. 6—7.

13. R. Howes, ed., The Testaments of the Grand Princes of Moscow (Ithaca, 1967), pp. I82ff.

14. J. Meyendorff, Byzantium and the Rise of Russia (Crestwood, NY, 1989), p. 185.

15. See R. Crummey, The Formation of Muscovy 1304-1613 (London, 1987), pp.

16. ‘The Wanderer of Stephen of Novgorod’, in G. Majeska, trans, and ed., Russian Travellers to Constantinople in the Thirteenth and Fourteenth Centuries (Chicago, 1970), pp. xxxi, xxxiii; Liubavskii, Obzor istorii russkoi kolonizatsii, p. 39.

17. See the discussion by M. Klimensko in his introduction to The ‘Vita’ of St. Sergii of Radonezh (Boston, Mass., n.d.), pp. 15-16.

18. As well as Klimensko’s edition of The ‘Vita’, see R. G. Skrynnikov, Gosudarstvo i tserkov’ na Rusi xiv-xvi vv (Novosibirsk, 1991), pp. 43ff.

19. Liubavskii, Obzor istorii russkoi kolonizatsii, pp. 190—92, 542—44.

20. Ibid., p. 19.

21. Ibid., p. 22.