13. B. Gudziak, Crisis and Reform: The Kievan Metropolitanate, the Patriarch of Constantinople and the Genesis of the Union of Brest
(Cambridge, Mass., 1998), is scholarly and helpful and, though by a Uniate, is not unsympathetic to Orthodox sentiments. See also M. Dmitriev, B. Floria and S. Iakovenko, Brestskaia uniia 1596g i obshchestvenno-politicheskaia bor’ba na Ukraine i v Belorussii v xvi-nachale xvii v, Pt 1 (Moscow, 1996), on the causes. However, an adequate account of how the religious divide between Orthodox, Uniate and Catholic came to be drawn has yet to be written.14. Mouravieff, A History of the Church of Russia,
p. 145.15. Zimin, Vkanun groznykh potriasenii,
p. 238.16. Iu. Got’e, ed., Akty otnosiashchiesia k istorii zemskikh soborov,
vyp. 1 (Moscow, 1909), pp. 12ff.17. C. Bussow, The Disturbed State of the Russian Realm,
trans. and ed. G. Orchard (Montreal, 1994), pp. 13-14. The account is confirmed by other sources.18. Ye. Borisenkov and V. Piasetskii, Tysiachiletnaia letopis’ neobychnykh iavlenii prirody
(Moscow, 1988), pp. 323-4.19. Bussow, The Disturbed State of the Russian Realm,
pp. 32—3.20. Smith to Cecil, 25 February 1606, Cecil Papers 104/47, Hatfield House Library.
21. P. Longworth, ‘Political rumour in early modern Russia’, in Szvak, ed., Muscovy: Peculiarities of its Development,
pp. 27-33.22. The standard source for these events is Dunning, Russia’s First Civil War,
pp. 131ff.23. The New Chronicle quoted in Vernadsky et al., Source Book,
vol. 1, p. 183.24. References to most of these can be found in Dunning, Russia’s First Civil War;
on Dmitry’s ‘magic with devils’, Ryan, The Bathhouse at Midnight, p. 39.25. Dunning, Russia’s First Civil War,
ch. 14.26. The New Chronicle quoted in Vernadsky et al., Source Book,
vol. 1, p. 183.27. Dunning, Russia’s First Civil War,
pp. 412—13.28. Instructions for King Sigismund’s envoy to the Pope, 22 September 1611, Vernadsky et al., Source Book,
vol. 1, pp. 201-2.29. Iaroslavl to Vologda letter, February 1611, Vernadsky et al., Source Book,
vol. 1, p. 197.30. Dunning, Russia’s First Civil War,
p. 421.31. Archimandrite Dionysius’s appeal of 6 October 1611, Vernadsky et al., Source Book,
vol. 1, p. 204; Letters from Kazan to Perm and from Tobolsk to Narym, September and October 1611, Vernadsky et al., Source Book, vol. 1, pp. 201-4.32. Pozharskii to Solvychegodsk, 7 April 1612, Vernadsky et al., Source Book,
vol. 1, pp. 205-7.33. Ibid., pp. 199-200.
34. See R. Hellie, The Economy and Material Culture of Russia 1600-1723
(Chicago, 1999), p. 498.35. Dunning, Russia’s First Civil War,
pp. 438—9.36. See the now rich literature on pretenders in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries — Perrie, Skrynnikov, Longworth et al.
37. G. Hosking has argued that Russia’s development was impeded by a lack of national self-consciousness. Yet the mobilization letters quoted above suggest otherwise. The Russians had a clear sense of who they were at the beginning of the 1600s, and other ethnic groups in Russia seem to have shared that sense to some extent.
7: RECOVERY
1. N. Rogozhin, ‘Mesto Rossii xvi—xvii vekov v Evrope po materialam posolskikh knig’, in Szvak, ed., The Place of Russia in Europe,
pp. 88—96.2. There was a rebellion in Moscow in 1648, serious riots in other major cities in 1650—51; the ‘Copper Riots’ of 1660—61, the huge uprising led by the Cossack Stepan Razin in southern Russia in 1670—71; the musketeer riot of 1682, etc.
3. The estimate is based on figures in D. Moon, The Russian Peasantry 1600—1930
(London, 1999), table 1.3 and p. 21, n. 17. Moon draws his data from Ye. Vodarskii, Naselenie Rossii za 400 let (Moscow, 1973), p. 27, and his Naselenie Rossii v kontse xvii—nachale xviii veka (Moscow, 1977), pp. 134, 192. I have adjusted Moon’s figures to take account of seventeenth-century frontier changes. The estimate in C. McEvedy and R. Jones, Atlas of World Population History (London, 1980), p. 79, seems somewhat inflated.